This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. 2
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AbstractTraditional models of transnational advocacy networks (TANs) and stakeholder management do not capture the nuance and dynamics of (counter-)organising processes around anti-corporate mobilisation. Based on the case of a resistance movement against a planned bauxite mine on tribal land in India, we develop a process theory of interactions between local, national and international actors within transnational advocacy networks. These encounters are not always friendly and are often characterised by conflict between actors with disparate goals and interests. We highlight the importance of national advocacy networks (NANs) in anti-corporate social movements and describe the conflicts and disruptions that result from ignoring them. Our findings also point to the role of corporate counter-mobilisation strategies in shaping resistance movements. Our narrative revolves around a particular focal actor in the anti-mining campaign: a young tribal man who emerged as a passionate spokesperson of the movement, but later became a supporter of the controversial mine.Our findings contribute to a richer understanding of the processes underlying transnational and national anti-corporate mobilisation. We are deeply indebted to the local activists and communities without whom this research would not have been possible. We thank the reviewers and Frank den Hond for their valuable comments.We also thank the participants of the Fifth Organization Studies Workshop 'Social Movements,
One hundred eighty seven years after slavery was abolished in the United Kingdom, there are now more slaves in the world than when slavery was legal: a 2016 International Labour Office (ILO, 2017) report estimates there are 40.3 million (a "very conservative" estimate according to the report) victims of modern slavery. The same report suggests that 71% of modern slaves are women and one in four victims of modern slavery are children. This special section on modern slavery in business is thus both timely and relevant given the paucity of research on the topic in our field, which is worrying given that it is business that exploits much of slave labor. For instance, the construction, manufacturing, agricultural, and fishing industries accounted for 44% of all forced labor, according to the ILO (2017). Slavery is also a very profitable business: Profits per slave can range from a few thousand dollars a year to a few hundred thousand dollars a year, with total annual slavery profits estimated to be as high as US$150 billion (ILO, 2014). Slavery is an abhorrent practice and while it is technically a crime under international law, it is important to realize that it remains a viable and profitable management practice for business. Modern slavery, far from being an aberration, is a logical outcome of the way our political economic system is organized and its historical origins in the colonial enterprise. For example, colonial expansionist practices of the British Empire in the 1800s involved both land and resource appropriation as well as permanent destruction of manufacturing capacities in the colonies. The "technological superiority" of the British textile industry was established as much by technological advances as by a systematic destruction of India's indigenous industry involving innovative competitive strategies such as the severing of the thumbs of master weavers in Bengal, forced cultivation of indigo by Bihar's peasants, and the slave trade from Africa that supplied cotton plantations in the United States with free labor (Banerjee, 2008). Just as historical slavery was an enabling Editorial 898478B ASXXX10.
This is the accepted version of the paper.This version of the publication may differ from the final published version. (Jairam Ramesh, Indian Rural Development Minister, 2012).
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