Objective scores from multiple-choice questions before and after a postgraduate course were compared to subjective ratings of the instructors at a 3-day seminar. The objective mean scores after the course were significantly higher than the scores before the course (p less than 0.0001). There was no correlation between test results and subjective ratings of instructors.
In December 2005, eleven Cuban educational advisers arrived in Timor-Leste to begin work on a national literacy campaign. Adapting the program known in Latin America as Yo, Sí Puedo (Yes I Can), the Cubans trained over 400 local tutors to run classes in every part of the country, using a method they call ‘alphanumeric’, delivered via audiovisual technology. The campaign was launched in March 2007, and the first classes began in June of that year. By September 2010, three years later, over 70,000 adults, over one fifth of the total illiterate population, had successfully completed a thirteen week basic literacy course. Drawing on original research undertaken in Timor-Leste between 2004 and 2009, followed by further investigations in May 2010 in Havana, Cuba, this paper describes the Timor-Leste campaign, locating it within the historical commitment of the country’s independence movement to adult literacy, and the broader context of Cuba’s international literacy work.
The focus of this paper is adult literacy, and the impact this has on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander individual and community health. It directs attention to those Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander young people and adults who have not benefited from the formal school education system, and who, as a consequence, have very low levels of basic English language literacy. Analysing data from a range of sources, I suggest that these people comprise as much as 35% of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander adult population nationally, and a much bigger proportion in some communities and regions. Moreover, they are key to improving overall health outcomes in the population as a whole, because they are among the people most at risk. Drawing on research in countries of the global South over recent decades, the paper then suggests that one of the most effective ways to improve health outcomes and foster health development is through a popular mass adult literacy campaign. Popular education is not formal education, of the kind provided by schools, TAFEs and universities. It is “non-formal” education, provided on a mass scale, to people in marginalised and disadvantaged communities, as part of wider social and political movements for equality. The paper concludes that this is the most appropriate form of education to deal with the massive social and economic inequality at the heart of the social determinants of Indigenous health.
Colin Hearfield and Bob Boughton contend that, over roughly the past seventy‐five years, a number of writers have attempted to underwrite the relationship between critical literacy and transformative social practice with an ethics of freedom and social justice. The first two such writers they address, Frantz Fanon and Paulo Freire, draw on a humanist ethics of social freedom, whereas the latter two, Amartya Sen and Jack Mezirow, turn respectively to Immanuel Kant's moral theory of individual freedom and Jürgen Habermas's ethics of communicative interaction. Hearfield and Boughton begin by discussing various shortcomings of the approach each of these writers takes, and then argue that a more adequate grounding can be found in Axel Honneth's ethics of recognition, where the idea of social freedom again comes to prominence. Unlike the others, Honneth, a contemporary German philosopher and former research assistant of Habermas, does not address explicitly the issue of critical literacy, but he does speak of the right to education as an already significant aspect of the modern ethics of recognition. The driving motivation for Hearfield and Boughton's discussion in this article is the situation of many Indigenous Australians who remain unable to read or write Standard Australian English (SAE) and thus cannot participate, or have an effective voice, in deliberations concerning their own and their people's situation in the political landscape of modern Australia.
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