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Although much has been written about "socialization" and "emotion" in different cultures, these two topics have rarely been systematically combined and analyzed from the perspective of ontogenetic development.Drawing on approaches from developmental psychology and cultural anthropology, we examine how cultural models of emotion and their corresponding emotionally arousing child-rearing practices lead to culture-specific pathways of emotion development among the Bara (Madagascar) and the Tao (Taiwan). We focus especially on socializing emotions, which we define in terms of their function to orient individuals toward cultural norms and values and to inculcate social conformity. Based on empirical data gathered in long-term ethnographic field studies, we provide evidence that the Bara emphasize "fear" and the Tao "anxiety" as focal socializing emotions. [Socialization of Emotion, Fear, Anxiety, Madagascar, Taiwan] Cultures and societies vary greatly not only in how they shape but also in how they assign meaning and values to the basic emotional capacities rooted in our human biology. These become embedded in complex "feeling rules" that prescribe who may feel which emotions when, with which intensity, and in front of whom they should be expressed or suppressed. Most emotion research in the social sciences and cultural studies views the enormous interand intrasocietal polymorphism of emotional forms of behavior and expression as the outcome of complex bio-cultural and psycho-social interactions. A promising avenue into the bio-psycho-cultural modeling of emotions is research on the socialization of emotions. Investigating the explicit and implicit processes by which children acquire and reconstruct the emotional repertoire of their specific community provides insights into how biologically based human emotional capacities are realized by cultural practices and transformed into highly specific emotion systems. This notion of emotions as "bio-cultural processes" which, meanwhile, is widely shared within social and cultural anthropology (e.g., Hinton 1993Hinton , 1999Leavitt 1996; Svasek and Milton 2005;Röttger-Rössler and Markowitsch 2009), calls for interdisciplinary research in order to grasp the complexity of human emotionality. This renewed interest in bio-cultural interactions within social and cultural anthropology is fostered by recent advances in neuroscience that consider the brain to be a "biosocial organ" (Gibson 1996:36), evolved to be shaped by environmental influences, a process in which emotions play a central role (e.g.

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A long time ago, a bamboo cane came floating down the Jeneberang river from Mount Bawakaraeng. A beautiful woman emerged from the bamboo. She went ashore near our village and sat down on a big red stone. There some people from the village found her and asked her to follow them to their houses. There was no ruler in the village at that time, and continuous quarreling and disputing prevailed among the inhabitants. They called the woman Bombong Koasa and asked her to become their ruler, since she was a divine being. Bombong Koasa married a man from our village, and they had children. Ever since, all our rulers have been descendants of Bombong Koasa. She ruled for many years, but one day she died, and her body went back to the sacred mountain from which she had come. Her spirit, however, has remained on earth, living in an object she had left in the village before ascending again to Mount Bawakaraeng. This object is our kalompoang. This version of a myth, which is spread throughout many parts of South Sulawesi, was recorded in Bontoloe, a Makassarese village in highland Goa. 1 Paralleling many other local versions of this myth-including the one referring to the former kingdom of Goa-the first divine ruler (tu manurung) of Bontoloe is said to have been a woman. The political authority of village rulers in highland Goa, each of whom must tracé his descent back to a tu manurung, is legitimated by certain objects that are regarded as sacred, since they are believed to have been left by the divine being before she ascended back to the sacred peak of Mount Bawakaraeng. The shape of these sacred heirlooms, which in the local language are called kalompoang ('greatness') or kalabbirang ('magnificence') varies. In the area under investigation, kalompoang include different kinds of swords or daggers as well as ancient bells, porcelain plates, and, as in the case of 1 Besides this myth, there are still others concerning the origin of village leadership, which, however, do not refer to a tu manurung. Nevertheless, the version cited in the text is the most widely accepted myth explaining the origin of the local government.