In this paper I compare revocation of citizenship laws in three democratic countries-Canada, Israel and the US. At first glance it appears that in each of the countries there is one common factor that provides the pretext for expatriation-wars. This explanation accords with the existing literature on citizenship. This paper shows that there is a greater principle that all countries share that plays a role in the perception of citizenship and its revocation, both in the past and present. I argue that the extent to which a country desires immigration (and fears emigration) is what explains revocation of citizenship laws. That is, forced expatriation as a policy became more widespread with the institutionalization of the national world order which does not tolerate multiple national allegiances. However, states do start to allow dual citizenship, in contradiction to the national world order, when they fear that it will undermine desired immigration to the country.
The public and researchers alike view global/humanitarian and local/ national logics as based on different, and even contradictory, regimes of justification. In this paper, however, I argue that these logics are complementary in the case of refugees. By asking 'who is a refugee?' within the Israeli case study, I empirically ground the claim that nationalism and humanitarianism should be grasped as Glocal. Content analysis of the Israeli case reveals how the Israeli establishment 'translates' the universal notion of humanitarianism. Humanitarian discourse does not offer an answer to the refugee problem by invoking a universal identity, nor is it just a euphemism for particularistic interests. On the contrary, the humanitarian logic is in fact based on the national order, and does not attempt to replace it. The political meaning of the term 'refugee' is an endless transcription of the national logic, and thus cannot be cosmopolitan.In the collective memory of Jewish-Zionist society, two main historical signifiers constitute the notion of refugee: the Holocaust and the Palestinian Refugees. The Zionist project in general and the establishment of the state of Israel in particular are perceived as providing an essential asylum for the Jewish nation and an adequate 'answer' to the horrors of the Holocaust. Conversely, Al-Nakba ('the disaster' in Arabic) is the term by which the Palestinians refer to the disastrous outcome of the war of 1948 between Israel and the Arab states, particularly the creation of the refugee problem. The experience of the Nakba was (and still is) the most dominant and influential event in the Palestinian national history. Moreover, this event and its consequences (the Palestinian refugees) defined and set the limits for the Arab-Israeli conflict since then, and probably will be the crux of any reconciliation between Israelis and Palestinians. Whereas each of those primary events was studied independently, the notion of refugees as an over-arching concept to the Israeli political culture was relatively overlooked.In this paper, I grapple with cases that are presumably at the juncture between Jewish nationalism and the historical consequences of the
Rogers Brubaker in his 1992 path-breaking study proposes a theory of citizenship as a coherent world view: the French liberal model identifies citizenship as a community based on territoriality; the German ethno-nationalist model bases citizenship on blood-line. Rogers Smith challenged Brubaker and, based on a 1997 study of United States immigration laws, claims that the American concept of citizenship is a non-coherent mix of various principles: liberal, ethno-nationalist and republican at the same time. Both authors inspired a great deal of research, but all studies so far have attempted to adjudicate between the two competing theories by looking at inclusionary practices, at the various ways citizenship is granted in various countries, and their results are inconclusive. This paper reports findings for a study which looked at exclusion. The data on United States laws and legislative debates about the states' rights to revoke, and citizens' privilege to renounce, citizenship lends support to Rogers Smith's arguments regarding inclusion and citizenship, while underlining war as an independent sociological source for the genesis, persistence and dispersion of these bundles or equilibria.
stiffness and pulse wave velocity / Aorta and carotid arteries 137 (0.94 to 1.01) p = 0.096; Obesity OR = 0.47 (0.29 to 1.77) p = 0.003 and Diabetes OR = 2.41 (1.15 -5.05) p = 0.020. Conclusions: According to the results obtained, genetic polymorphisms variables were not in the multivariate analysis equation to determine the increase of the PWV, which can be explained either by being included in the selected variables such as hypertension, or on the other hand, they may not have enough strength to remain in the equation. So, according to this study, PWV has much more to do with behaviors and traditional risk factors than the genetic heritage.P883 Endothelial dysfunction, pulse wave velocity and augmentation index are correlated in subjects with systemic arterial hypertension?
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