June 1997. UMI Number: U095656All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted.In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Economic W arfare---------------------------------------------------------------------LS27 Domestic Trade and Consumption__________________________ UL8 Admiralty. International Trade and Shipping_________________________ 1 2 3 9 Manufacturing Industry--------------------------------------------------------------I f i f i 10 Economic Trends In London Purina the English Revolution U S Conclusion----------------------------------------------------------------------------Audit Office. Chancery.Exchequer.High Court of Admiralty. In their introduction to a collection of essays on early modem London published in 1986, Beier and Finlay attached great importance to the prosperity and dynamism of the London economy and stressed factors such as the higher wage rates in encouraging immigration. However, they also argued that many migrants were driven by poverty, and that the benefits of London's economic success were very unevenly distributed.10 They suggested that it was impossible to generalise about whether London as a whole was growing richer or pcx>rer, but that, 'it seems beyond dispute that poverty was growing faster than the population of London'.11Pearl trade may have risen to more than £2 .5 million by 1614 and perhaps to over £5 million in 1638, if exports and imports had both fallen by similar proportions by 1640, although it should be stressed that this last figure is very speculative. How much of the proceeds of trade accrued to London's economy is impossible to calculate precisely, but in the Jacobean period a fifth was added to the official value o f overseas trade to allow for merchants profits and shipping charges, suggesting that London earned at least £644,(XX) from foreign trade in 1640. In fact, the total value o f foreign trade to the metropolitan economy was considerable larger than this because it attracted a number of industries to the capital, particularly those involved in processing imports, and because this figure excludes the earnings of London wholesalers distributing imports around the country.41Fisher found that in 1640 London re-exports amounted to as much as all other exports except textiles, although they were less than a tenth o f the total. This may be a major underestimate of the extent of the re-export trade as he argued that a large part of the trade was conducted directly, and so would not appear in the customs records. How great this trade was is difficult to tell but it certainly seems to have been substantial.42 The health o f England's internal trade was vital to the economy o f London. It was crucial to overseas trade as cloth exports needed to be brought from their place ol manufacture to London, while imports needed to be d...
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Reviews 199to occasionally, but this work operates almost entirely in the realm of history of ideas. That caveat apart, however, it does convey the reader convincingly into the hearts and minds of those divines who attended and influenced the Westminster Assembly.This book follows on from Dr Merritt's previous work on Tudor and early Stuart Westminster, examining, for the first time, the locality where much of the English revolution took place. The initial chapter provides a narrative of political events between 1640 and the outbreak of the English civil war, providing a useful corrective to the usual emphasis on the City of London in accounts of popular politics in the metropolis. Merritt argues that Westminster was more loyal to the crown than were other parts of London, although this was unavailing. This is followed by chapters on the military presence in Westminster (unfortunately without a contextualising of analysis of other aspects of crime and disorder), the role of Westminster spaces in the regimes of the 1640s and 1650s, the political allegiances of the local inhabitants (deploying on a detailed analysis of the signatories to the December 1642 peace petition), 'fashionable society' in the interregnum and religion.Merritt argues that Westminster became more central to the English state than ever before in the 1640s and 1650s, and, of course, the same was true of parliament, which combined legislative and executive powers until the Protectorate. However, she seems to suggest that this did not compensate for the loss of the crown and court. For instance, she argues that aristocratic town houses like Worcester House, which were taken over by the parliamentarian regime, were underused by their new occupants (p. 130), although she also draws attention to the disputes over room space in that building between different committees, which would appear to point in the other direction (p. 128). This is in keeping with Merritt's emphasis on the royalism of Westminster, indicated by her subtitle, although she is cautious about quantifying the allegiance of the local inhabitants. Her account of 'fashionable society' is drawn mostly from royalist sources and she is sceptical about the recent emphasis in the historiography on the significance of the Cromwellian court. It is not simply that this work is restricted to the elites (there is no discussion of poverty), the focus is clearly on the royalist elites. More could, perhaps, have been said about the parliamentarian and Protectorate elites and also the impact of the administrative changes wrought by war and revolution: how many officials did parliament and its committees employ in Westminster in the 1640s, and how many people came to Westminster to lobby them? Was it simply that the interregnum did not last long enough to have an impact on Westminster's political culture? It is curious that Samuel Pepys, surely one of the most famous of Westminster's residents in the 1650s, goes unmentioned here.
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