Public health approaches to crime and injury prevention are increasingly focused on the physical places and environments where violence is concentrated. In this study, our aim is to explore the association between historic place-based racial discrimination captured in the 1937 Home Owners Loan Corporation (HOLC) map of Philadelphia and present-day violent crime and firearm injuries. The creators of the 1937 HOLC map zoned Philadelphia based in a hierarchical system wherein first-grade and green color zones were used to indicate areas desirable for government-backed mortgage lending and economic development, a second-grade or blue zone for areas that were already developed and stable, a third-grade or yellow zone for areas with evidence of decline and influx of a "low grade population," and fourth-grade or red zone for areas with dilapidated or informal housing and an "undesirable population" of predominately Black residents. We conducted an empirical spatial analysis of the concentration of firearm assaults and violent crimes in 2013 through 2014 relative to zoning in the 1937 HOLC map. After adjusting for socio-demographic factors at the time the map was created from the 1940 Census, firearm injury rates are highest in historically red-zoned areas of Philadelphia. The relationship between HOLC map zones and general violent crime is not supported after adjusting for historical Census data. This analysis extends historic perspective to the relationship between emplaced structural racism and violence, and situates the socio-ecological context in which people live at the forefront of this association.

Profound disparity in exposure to firearm violence by race and place exists in Philadelphia. Black people were substantially more likely than White people to sustain firearm assault, regardless of neighborhood income.

Uber, the world's largest ridesharing company, has reportedly provided over 2 billion journeys globally since operations began in 2010; however, the impact on motor vehicle crashes is unclear. Theoretically, ridesharing could reduce alcohol-involved crashes in locations where other modes of transportation are less attractive than driving one's own vehicle while under the influence of alcohol. We conducted interrupted time-series analyses using weekly counts of injury crashes and the proportion that were alcohol-involved in 4 US cities (Las Vegas, Nevada; Reno, Nevada; Portland, Oregon; and San Antonio, Texas). We considered that a resumption of Uber operations after a temporary break would produce a more substantial change in ridership than an initial launch, so we selected cities where Uber launched, ceased, and then resumed operations (2013-2016). We hypothesized that Uber's resumption would be associated with fewer alcohol-involved crashes. Results partially supported this hypothesis. For example, in Portland, Uber's resumption was associated with a 61.8% reduction (95% confidence interval: 38.7, 86.4) in the alcohol-involved crash rate (an absolute decrease of 3.1 (95% confidence interval: 1.7, 4.4) alcohol-involved crashes per week); however, there was no concomitant change in all injury crashes. Relationships between ridesharing and motor vehicle crashes differ between cities over time and may depend on specific local characteristics.