High levels of stress in the parenting domain can lead to parental burnout, a condition that has severe consequences for both parents and children. It is not yet clear, however, whether parental burnout varies by culture, and if so, why it might do so. In this study, we examined the prevalence of parental burnout in 42 countries (17,409 parents; 71% mothers; M age = 39.20) and showed that the prevalence of parental burnout varies dramatically across countries. Analyses of cultural values revealed that individualistic cultures, in particular, displayed a noticeably higher prevalence and mean level of parental burnout. Indeed, individualism plays a larger role in parental burnout than either economic inequalities across countries, or any other individual and family characteristic examined so far, including the number and age of children and the number of hours spent with them. These results suggest that cultural values in Western countries may put parents under heightened levels of stress.

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What is it to be “an ideal parent”? Does the answer differ across countries and social classes? To answer these questions in a way that minimizes bias and ethnocentrism, we used open-ended questions to explore ideal-parent beliefs among 8,357 mothers and 3,517 fathers from 37 countries. Leximancer Semantic Network Analysis was utilized to first determine parenting culture zones (i.e., countries with shared ideal-parent beliefs) and then extract the predominant themes and concepts in each culture zone. The results yielded specific types of ideal-parent beliefs in five parenting culture zones: being “responsible and children/family-focused” for Asian parents, being “responsible and proper demeanor-focused” for African parents, and being “loving and responsible” for Hispanic-Italian parents. Although the most important themes and concepts were the same in the final two zones—being “loving and patient,” there were subtle differences: English-speaking, European Union, and Russian parents emphasized “being caring,” while French-speaking parents valued “listening” or being “present.” Ideal-parent beliefs also differed by education levels within culture zones, but no general pattern was discerned across culture zones. These findings suggest that the country in which parents were born cannot fully explain their differences in ideal-parent beliefs and that differences arising from social class or education level cannot be dismissed. Future research should consider how these differences affect the validity of the measurements in question and how they can be incorporated into parenting intervention research within and across cultures.

BackgroundHealth practitioners frequently encounter dying, death and suffering. While providing health care can be stressful, the literature on how different health practitioners cope with the emotional challenges associated with their work is sparse. Further, much of this literature is based on studies conducted in high-income countries. In this study, we explored emotional distress and associated coping strategies among health practitioners working in a pediatric oncology department in a large teaching hospital in Lomé, Togo.MethodsWe undertook a cross-sectional qualitative research involving in-depth interviews with 21 health practitioners (doctors, nurses, and nursing assistants) as well as facility-based observations Interview data were collected using a semi-structured discussion guide. All interviews were audio-recorded while observational notes were hand-written and ultimately typed. All data were transcribed, coded and analyzed thematically.ResultsWe found that practitioners experienced significant emotional distress. Their emotional distress was compounded by the seriousness of the illnesses they treated, the lack of appropriate medical equipment, and treatment failures that caused their patients to suffer. The health practitioners’ narratives suggested that a key reason for their emotional distress was a mismatch between their professional training and the realities of providing care in a resource-constrained setting. They also reported not receiving any training on how to cope with the emotional stresses associated with care and preventable patient deaths.ConclusionCaring for patients is a source of significant emotional distress. The emotional stress experienced by health practitioners is compounded in resource-limited settings where weak health systems undermine practitioners’ ability to provide quality care. Results underscore the need to train health professionals to positively cope with the emotional stresses associated with patient care and for health systems improvements to ensure quality care.

The case study presented in this paper demonstrates the utility of a collaborative discussion of the Rorschach Test. In a context marked by dependence on the psychologist and lack of elaboration, discussing Rorschach responses with clients has the potential of engaging them actively in therapy. The present case concerns a young man with delusional disorder. The Rorschach’s collaborative discussion made it possible to build a stronger therapeutic alliance between the client and the psychologist. Indeed, this discussion helped the client to express homosexual fantasies, an otherwise unacceptable social taboo. It also helped him to talk profusely about his family and religion during the therapy. In the absence of normative data on the Rorschach Test in the Togolese population, this collaborative discussion relies on the clinician’s intention to directly use the personal meaning of the Rorschach responses to advance psychotherapy.