Statement of the ProblemSociologists have produced a wealth of literature in the field of voluntary associations and social participation. However, among the mass of facts and ideas there is one major void; most studies are descriptive and lack the abstract concepts and theoretical framework necessary for integrating the various findings and trends. There are relatively few conceptual schemes which tie together these facts so that one knows how and why the various aspects and dimensions involved in voluntary organization participation relate to each other (Coleman, 1951: 135; Freeman, et al., 1957: 533). The absence of conceptual schemes is particularly evident at the level of broad generalizations. Gordon and Babchuk (1959: 22-29) classified voluntary associations according to their degree of accessibility of membership, status conferring capacity and instrumental vs. expressive attributes. The resulting typology enabled them to develop propositions for analyzing the relationships among these variables and for analyzing how they relate to functions of organizations and demographic factors such as age, sex, nativity, and education of members.Arnold Rose (1954) viewed voluntary associations as contributing to the deveopment and maintenance of democratic societies. Thus, he approaches these organizations from a functionalist viewpoint. Voluntary associations satisfy basic functional requirements in a democratic society, he argues, and thus have a positive value for this type of system. On the other hand, other types of societal systems (non-democratic) either do not require or restrict voluntary association development.Hagedorn and Labovitz (1968: 282-283) use three general theories --those of alienation, socialization and task generalization --to predict the membership and participation in voluntary associations of members of two complex work organizations. Their findings indicate that the utility of the three theories, as predictive mechanisms, varies according to the dimension one is using as an independent variable (e.g., subjective or behavioral, formal or informal roles).All the above references have two common characteristics:(1) a deductive logic to develop a rationale is employed and (2) the generalizability of the propositions are somewhat limited to specific conditions. For example, the instrumental-expressive typology and the resultant predictions are most relevant in societies having cultures which make instrumental-expressive distinctions. Such a distinction is appropriate for Western societies with a work vs. recreation dilemma, an intrinsic value vs. extrinsic value dilemma, or a collectivity orientation vs. self orientation dilemma. However, what happens in non-Western societies, or in situations not making such means-ends distinctions? The functionalist view of voluntary association participation focuses on democratic societies. Does one assume (or state by definition) that there are no voluntary associations, or that there are fewer associations in non-democratic societies?' How does one exp...
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This paper focuses on voluntary friendships. Drawing from Fischer's (1975) subcultural theory of urbanism, it is hypothesized that voluntary interaction with friends will be characteristic of individuals who live in urban areas. Friendship is also expected to be characteristic of high-SES, young, unmarried and childless individuals. An underlying rationale is that friendship occurs when individuals are relatively free from obligatory ties, duties and other constraints on their free choices. NORC data from 1974-83 are used to test the hypotheses. In the analysis, a distinction is made between involvement with friends outside the neighbourhood and social involvement with neighbours. The findings indicate that income, age, marital status and number of children significantly influence voluntary friendships. In addition, interaction analyses (product term) suggest that combinations of the independent variables produce the greatest effect on friendship.
Using national data from the General Social Surveys, the authors study changes in the number of voluntary associations in America between 1973 and 1984. Memberships are categorized as total volun tary associations, instrumental associations, and expressive groups. The average number of memberships was higher than usual in 1974 for almost all socioeconomic and demographically defined subsam ples. In the election year of 1980, memberships in total voluntary associations, instrumental associations, and expressive groups all tended to be lower than they had been in other years for many subsamples, and in 1984 some types of individuals had low rates of memberships. Multiple regression analyses showed that education was a good predictor of memberships in the three types of associa tions in all years, while occupational prestige and income were only weakly associated with memberships. Occupational prestige was more closely associated with membership in instrumental associations than it was with membership in expressive groups.
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