PurposeThe stigmatisation of COVID-19 patients or suspected cases is a matter of grave concern across the world, including India. Today, COVID-19 patients or suspected cases are being stigmatised or labelled as “corona carrier” and “corona spreader” because of which they are facing social rejection, mental torture, abusive behaviour and violence in the society. The objectives of the present study are to examine the nature of stigma construction in Indian society during COVID-19 pandemic and to explore its outcome on the well-being of corona-affected people.Design/methodology/approachThe study uses content analysis method to explain the COVID-19 stigma. The data have been collected from various Indian newspapers and magazines. The researchers have analysed the content of the news items related to social stigma which were collected from March to September 2020.FindingsThe study finds that COVID-19 patients or suspected cases are insulted and discriminated rudely by their family members and neighbours, and in many cases, they are not allowed to enter the house or the neighbourhood. The study has also pointed out that many COVID-19 patients or suspected cases have committed suicide as a result of being stigmatisation. Finally, the study explores that this social stigma is spreading due to fake news, lack of awareness and fear of corona infection.Originality/valueThis is an original paper which is based on content analysis. The present study focuses on the social stigma in Indian society during COVID-19. Basically, the present study has applied the theory of Erving Goffman which is based on stigma to examine the nature and problem of social stigma during COVID-19. The study has found that there are three types of social stigma during the corona pandemic: self-made stigma, family-made stigma and society-made stigma.
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to understand the patterns and incidence of child labour in India and to examine the magnitude of child labour across different social groups. It analyses the impact of the socio-economic background of the children on their participation in the labour market. Design/methodology/approach The paper primarily relies on the data collected from secondary sources. The census of India data and the National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) 66th round data (2009–2010) on employment and unemployment in India for the study. The dependent variable on child labour has been computed by the author for the analysis in the paper. Findings The findings of the paper suggest that poverty is not the only determinant of child labour, but gender and caste of a person is also a significant factor for child labour. The study found that children from lower-caste backgrounds in India seem to participate more in the labour market. In terms of gender, the study found that boys are more likely to engage in economic activities or paid jobs while girls are more likely to engage in household activities. Originality/value Data used in this paper has been extracted by the author from unit level data provided by NSSO. The variables used for the analysis in the presented paper has been constructed by the author and the figures provided are the result of the author’s estimation on data.
The crime of trafficking in persons needs to be understood as a serious crime and a grave human rights violation. Every year, thousands of men, women, and children fall into the hands of traffickers in either their own countries and/or abroad. As part of its commitment to combat human trafficking (HT), India has ratified various international conventions and enacted its own domestic frameworks. In addition, the efforts of the Government in terms of commitment to the international convention can be seen in terms of the establishment of Anti-trafficking Human Units post-2011. The draft bill of The Trafficking in Persons (Prevention, Care, and Rehabilitation) Bill, 2021, is still pending in parliament. In this context, a review of the existing efforts to combat trafficking in human beings is essential. The chapter highlights the existing discrepancies and evaluates the lacuna in policy implementation, based on secondary data. The chapter will also highlight the nature and magnitude of HT, along with vulnerability factors.
PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to discuss the challenges the author had encountered and the counter-strategies she had adopted to overcome them while conducting ethnography for the first time during her doctoral research. In this paper, the author hopes to provide guidance for future researchers by discussing the role she played in her research, the experiences she gained as a result of it, the difficulties she faced and the strategies she employed to overcome these difficulties.Design/methodology/approachFollowing the social constructionist perspective, this paper analyses the experience that the author had gained during her field study. As a novice researcher, the author entered the field to study the relationship between caste and occupational mobility. The caste that she had selected was the Kansari caste to which the author belongs. Therefore, her position as a researcher while conducting ethnography became a crucial part of the methodological challenges the author faced. While insider ethnography has its advantages and disadvantages, this paper does not discuss these aspects of the methodology. Instead, it discusses how, as a novice researcher, the author had to negotiate her position as an insider and outsider.FindingsWhile analysing her experience as a novice researcher, the author found that her journey of conducting insider ethnography was of rediscovering herself as a Kansari as well as a researcher. Through this research, the author found that as an insider ethnographer, certain strategies had to be adopted in the field by the researcher to be objective and unbiased throughout the research process. For example, whenever the author conducted an interview, she tried to try to say less, listen more and be as objective as possible, without allowing her preconceptions to influence the information she gathered from the field.Originality/valueThis is an original paper based on the primary data collected by the author.
Purpose Farmer suicide as a social issue has existed in India since past three decades. Though many studies have been conducted from different perspectives to understand the causes and consequences of farmer suicide, very few studies have looked at the issue from a multidimensional perspective. By using the Durkheimian view of suicide, this paper aims to analyse the subjective meaning behind the social fact of suicide. It accesses the nature and pattern of suicide and examines the determinants of suicide from a socio-ecological paradigm. Design/methodology/approach The present study mostly relies on National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) data on “accidental deaths and suicide in India” for the year 2018, 2019 and 2020 for the analysis of pattern and determinants of farmer suicide in India. The analysis of the data has been done in Excel, and descriptive statistics have been presented through simple contingency table. Findings The study found that in the past ten years, there has been a steady decline in the number of farmer suicide in India; however, some states such as Maharashtra and Karnataka continue to report high incidence of farmer suicide. Using a socio-ecological paradigm, the paper found that the farmer’s social system which is constituted of individual characteristics and societal characteristics has a direct impact on the tendency of a farmer to commit suicide. It was observed that the stronger the relationship between an individual and its microsystem, there is less chance of a person to commit suicide. Originality/value This is an original paper based on NCRB data for the year 2018, 2019 and 2020. The data for the farmer suicide has been calculated including the suicide of the agricultural labourers and the farmers/the cultivators.
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