A meta-analysis of eight mortality trials indicates that improving the vitamin A status of children aged six months to five years reduced mortality rates by about 23% in populations with at least low prevalence of clinical signs of vitamin A deficiency. The observed effect of supplementation, described in terms of relative risk (RR), was RR =0.77 (95% confidence interval 0.68-0.88; p < .001) and did not differ by sex or age. However, the number of lives saved was greater at younger ages because of higher mortality. A significant RR was shown for deaths attributed to diarrhoea and measles, but not for respiratory infection. Variability among the trials in effects was apparent, but attempts to explain it by descriptors of the population (baseline anthropometric status, prevalence of xerophthalmia, age profile, baseline mortality) were unsuccessful. Owing to the lack of data, firm conclusions could not be reached about effectiveness in children of less than six months and in settings where biochemical but not clinical evidence of vitamin A deficiency exists. Information about morbidity outcomes from about two dozen studies was reviewed. No consistent effects on frequency or prevalence of diarrhoeal and respiratory infections were found. Improvement in vitamin A status did appear to reduce severe morbidity, particularly in children with measles.

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An understanding of trends and determinants for the residential mobility of elderly Canadians is essential for public policy and planning. Study of the patterns, changes over time, and determinants of the mobility of older Canadians has become increasingly important as the population ages. Elderly residential mobility has decreased substantially since 1971, and almost one-half of this decrease is due to changes in population composition. Because the multivariate analysis described here does not account for most of the downward trends in residential mobility, however, further work is needed on speculative explanations discussed in this article.

Age‐at‐arrival is a key predictor of many immigrant outcomes, but discussion continues over how to best measure and study its effects. This research replicates and extends a pioneering study by Myers, Gao, and Emeka [International Migration Review (2009) 43:205–229] on age‐at‐arrival effects among Mexican immigrants in the U.S. to see if similar results hold for other immigrant groups and in other countries. We examine data from the 2000 U.S. census and 2006 American Community Survey, and 1991, 2001, and 2006 Canadian censuses to assess several measures of age‐at‐arrival effects on Asian immigrants’ socioeconomic outcomes. We confirm several of Myers et al.’s key findings, including the absence of clear breakpoints in age‐at‐arrival effects for all outcomes and the superiority of continuous measures of age‐at‐arrival. Additional analysis reveals different age‐at‐arrival effects by gender and Asian ethnicity. We suggest guidelines, supplementing those offered by Myers et al., for measuring and studying age‐at‐arrival’s effects on immigrant outcomes.

Increasing proportions of people, including older adults, live alone. Studying living arrangements of the elderly is important because these affect and reflect general well-being of the elderly and inform communities’ response to elderly housing needs. We analyze data from the 2006 Canadian Census and the 2006 American Community Survey to examine living alone among non-married older adults aged 55 and older in Canada and the U.S. The paper has two parts. First, we compare native- and foreign-born elderly to see if immigrants are less likely to live alone. Second, we examine factors associated with living alone among older immigrants. While older immigrants in both countries are less likely to live alone, the large differences are substantially reduced once various explanatory variables are considered. Comparisons of four gender/country groups of older immigrants show the positive role of economic and acculturation factors on living alone among older immigrants. With few exceptions, predictors of living alone are similar for older immigrants in Canada and the U.S.: living alone is mainly explained by a combination of economic and acculturation factors, taking demographic variables into account. Findings underline the need for age-friendly housing with innovative design and technology that can accommodate older people who live alone, including older immigrants who may have different needs and cultural preferences.