Background Sustainability of evidence-based interventions (EBI) remains a challenge for public health community-based institutions. The conceptual definition of sustainment is not universally agreed upon by researchers and practitioners, and strategies utilized to facilitate sustainment of EBI are not consistently reported in published literature. Given these limitations in the field, a systematic review was conducted to summarize the existing evidence supporting discrete sustainment strategies for public health EBIs and facilitating and hindering factors of sustainment. Methods We searched PsychINFO, Embase, ProQuest, PubMed, and Google Scholar. The initial search was run in March 2017 and an update was done in March 2019. Study eligibility criteria included (a) public health evidence-based interventions, (b) conducted in the community or community-based settings, and (c) reported outcomes related to EBI sustainment. Details characterizing the study setting, design, target population, and type of EBI sustained were extracted. Results A total of 26 articles published from 2004 to 2019 were eligible for data extraction. Overall, the importance of sustainability was acknowledged across all of the studies. However, only seven studies presented a conceptual definition of sustainment explicitly within the text. Six of the included studies reported specific sustainment strategies that were used to facilitate the sustainment of EBI. Only three of the studies reported their activities related to sustainment by referencing a sustainment framework. Multiple facilitators (i.e., adaptation/alignment, funding) and barriers (i.e., limited funding, limited resources) were identified as influencing EBI sustainment. The majority ( n = 20) of the studies were conducted in high-income countries. Studies from low-income countries were mostly naturalistic. All of the studies from low-income countries reported lack of funding as a hindrance to sustainment. Implication for dissemination and implementation research Literature focused on sustainment of public health EBIs should present an explicit definition of the concept. Better reporting of the framework utilized, steps followed, and adaptations made to sustain the intervention might contribute to standardizing and developing the concept. Moreover, encouraging longitudinal dissemination and implementation (D&I) research especially in low-income countries might help strengthen D&I research capacity in public health settings.

Background: Many people who inject drugs (PWID) lack access to a new sterile syringe each time they inject, with increased risk of injection-related harms, including spread of communicable diseases. In the United States (US), restricted access is largely due to state laws and policies regulating syringe access. Our aim in this US-focused study is to estimate variations in syringe acquisition behavior in relation to state-level syringe sale policies, drawing upon self-identified PWID in a nationally representative sample survey.Methods: Estimates were obtained on the source of the last used syringe from participants of the National Survey on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH) years 2002-2011. States were classified as having restricted syringe policies if they had any restriction on the sale of syringes during the study period (e.g., required a prescription or limited the number being sold). Results:In states with unrestricted syringe sale policies, PWID were more likely to have obtained their most recently used syringe from a safe source (Difference (%) = 9.8, 95% CI: 1.9, 17.7). This difference was largely driven by a larger percent of injectors obtaining syringes from a pharmacy in unrestricted states (Difference = 20.4, 95% CI: 12.2, 28.6) but was partially offset by fewer injectors obtaining syringes from syringe exchange programs (Difference = −10.7, 95% CI: −16.1, −5.3). Conclusion:These new findings, taken with other evidence, should help promote removal of policy barriers that now thwart syringe acquisition from a safe source. We hope this additional evidence will provoke policy discussions and may influence regulations that promote public health and reduce the spread of communicable diseases.

A pandemic, like other disasters, changes how systems work. In order to support research on how the COVID-19 pandemic impacted the dynamics of a single metropolitan area and the communities therein, we developed and made publicly available a “data-support system” for the city of Boston. We actively gathered data from multiple administrative (e.g., 911 and 311 dispatches, building permits) and internet sources (e.g., Yelp, Craigslist), capturing aspects of housing and land use, crime and disorder, and commercial activity and institutions. All the data were linked spatially through BARI’s Geographical Infrastructure, enabling conjoint analysis. We curated the base records and aggregated them to construct ecometric measures (i.e., descriptors of a place) at various geographic scales, all of which were also published as part of the database. The datasets were published in an open repository, each accompanied by a detailed documentation of methods and variables. We anticipate updating the database annually to maintain the tracking of the records and associated measures.

Liberalized state-level recreational cannabis policies in the United States (US) fostered important policy evaluations with a focus on epidemiological parameters such as proportions [e.g., active cannabis use prevalence; cannabis use disorder (CUD) prevalence]. This cannabis policy evaluation project adds novel evidence on a neglected parameter–namely, estimated occurrence of newly incident cannabis use for underage (<21 years) versus older adults. The project’s study populations were specified to yield nationally representative estimates for all 51 major US jurisdictions, with probability sample totals of 819,543 non-institutionalized US civilian residents between 2008 and 2019. Standardized items to measure cannabis onsets are from audio computer-assisted self-interviews. Policy effect estimates are from event study difference-in-difference (DiD) models that allow for causal inference when policy implementation is staggered. The evidence indicates no policy-associated changes in the occurrence of newly incident cannabis onsets for underage persons, but an increased occurrence of newly onset cannabis use among older adults (i.e., >21 years). We offer a tentative conclusion of public health importance: Legalized cannabis retail sales might be followed by the increased occurrence of cannabis onsets for older adults, but not for underage persons who cannot buy cannabis products in a retail outlet. Cannabis policy research does not yet qualify as a mature science. We argue that modeling newly incident cannabis use might be more informative than the modeling of prevalences when evaluating policy effects and provide evidence of the advantages of the event study model over regression methods that seek to adjust for confounding factors.

Introduction:For most drugs, age-specific incidence peaks during the midadolescent years and then declines. Alcohol is the exception with a viable explanatory theory of heterogeneous subgroups within the US population regarding attention to the law. A natural experiment of this hypothesis is underway as states legalize and regulate cannabis similarly to alcohol. We forecast the emergence of a bimodal cannabis incidence pattern as states set minimum cannabis purchase age at 21 years. Methods:The population under study for these analyses are non-institutionalized civilian residents of the U.S., 12 years of age and older, as sampled and assessed for the National Surveys on Drug Use and Health (NSDUH), from 2010 to 2017. The sample is stratified by cannabis LMA policy-Colorado State and Washington State (CSWS) are the experimental group compared to the other 48 states as controls. We use two different methods of comparing age-specific cannabis incidence estimates by policy group. Results:The estimates using the panel study method for the 48 US states produced the traditional age-specific cannabis incidence pattern. In CSWS, however, the estimated cannabis incidence rises sharply at age 21, descending afterward. The incidence estimates at age 21 after implementation in CSWS quadrupled (from 5% to 21%).Discussion: These contrasting estimates do not yet qualify as strong evidence supporting the hypothesis that cannabis policy is shaping age-specific incidence in our hypothesized bimodal pattern. The lag time for seeing such policy effects might be as long as 5-10 years if cannabis follows the US experience with alcohol LMA.