Two studies examined the hypothesis that geometric patterns in the facial expressions of anger and happiness provide information that permits observers to recognize the meaning of threat and warmth. A 1st study sought to isolate the configural properties by examining whether large-scale body movements encode affect-related meanings in similar ways. Results indicated that diagonal and angular body patterns convey threat, whereas round body patterns convey warmth. In a 2nd study, a set of 3 experiments using models of simple geometric patterns revealed that acute angles with downward pointing vertices conveyed the meaning of threat and that roundedness conveyed the meaning of warmth. Human facial features exhibit these same geometric properties in displays of anger and happiness.Mike Deaver, the self-styled "vicar of visuals," was the impresario of Reagan's visual choreography. In staging Reagan, Deaver spared no effort. At the 1984 Republican convention [the interior designer described his work for Deaver]. "Look, there are no square angles anywhere. Look at the chair: round top, curved legs. Look at the edge of the podium: no sharp corners. They're all rounded. Look at the lectern: curves everywhere. Rounded shapes are peaceful." Deaver wanted Reagan to come across as a soothing, reassuring presence. The podium backdrop conveyed a subliminal message of peaceableness. (Smith, 1988, pp. 414-415) Substantial bodies of research (e.g., Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1989;Ekman, 1982;Izard, 1977) provide impressive support for Darwin's (1872) speculation that human beings express and recognize the primary emotions in uniform ways. Such systematic results, which are based on commonalities in the cross-cultural recognition of standard facial expressions of emotion, necessarily raise the question of the sources of these stable responses. Because these displays are formed by the movement of many individual facial features, it would seem that many individual stimuli need to be identified in order to recognize an emotional Portions of this article were presented at the 97th Annual Convention of the American Psychological Association, New Orleans, Louisiana, August 1989.We are grateful to Paul Sutherland, who graciously permitted us to observe his classes for several weeks and helped us understand how a dancer's body creates visual forms. We thank Dixie Durr, Virginia Brooks, and Susan Burck, who greatly facilitated our ability to undertake this study at an important early point in our work. We also thank Barbara Horgan, of the New \brk City Ballet, who made several critically needed tapes available to us. We are grateful to Hiram Fitzgerald, David Irwin, Norbert Kerr, and Rose Zacks, who read an earlier draft and made valuable suggestions regarding the study. Larry Messe, as always, finds new ways to provide generous assistance in the design, execution, and analysis of our work. We are also appreciative of the close attention provided by reviewers, whose questions and criticisms greatly helped us clarify our intentions.

Findings from 4 studies suggest that differentiation and integration are used by individuals high in agency and communion to structure motive-related information in episodic memory. Studies 1 and 2 demonstrated that agentic and communal individuals recalled more emotional experiences related to their motives, and that agentic individuals used more differentiation whereas communal individuals used more integration to structure these memories. Study 3 showed that agentic and communal individuals used more differentiation and integration to structure memories about social separation and connection, respectively. Study 4 demonstrated a similar pattern of recall in an experimentally controlled retrieval task. For a motive-congruent topic, agentic individuals recognized more differentiated information and had fewer differentiation recognition errors, and communal individuals freely recalled more integration.

Two studies investigated the prediction that differentiation would be used by individuals concerned with separateness, personal agency, and power, whereas integration would be used by individuals concerned with relatedness, interpersonal communion, and intimacy. In Experiment 1, women who reexperienced a personal event linked to communal issues used more integration (relative to differentiation) when evaluating target persons than did men who reexperienced a personal event linked to agency. Experiment 2 demonstrated that in situations that were congruent with their motives, intimacy-motivated women and men used more integration (relative to differentiation) when evaluating target persons than did power-motivated men and women. Findings suggest that differentiation and integration may serve different and specific functions related to the concerns of individuals in particular social contexts.

Two studies investigated the relationship of implicit and explicit motives to most-memorable experiences (MMEs). Participants completed implicit and explicit measures of task and social motives and recorded their MMEs for 60 days. In Study 1, implicit motives were expected to be related to affective MMEs about the implicit motive, whereas explicit motives were expected to be related to routine MMEs corresponding to self-descriptions. When the MMEs were analyzed for affective and routine content, the predictions were supported in both areas. In Study 2, implicit and explicit motives were primed in either domain. Participants then recalled 12 MMEs that immediately came to mind. These MMEs were scored as routine or affective experiences related to each domain. Participants recalled more prime-relevant MMEs in each priming condition.I am grateful to Joel Aronoff, John Best, Galen Bodenhausen, Lawrence Messe, and Joel Weinberger for their insightful comments on earlier drafts of this article. Thanks are also extended to Bob Wyer and the members of the Personality and Social Ecology Brown Bag Seminar at the University of Illinois for their suggestions on Study 2.1 am indebted to the following people for their help in conducting these studies and coding the experimental materials:

A functional framework explains the influence of implicit and explicit motives on autobiographical memory. Personality motives at different levels of awareness are differentially activated by the social context and, in turn, engage memory processes. Research shows that these motives influence both what and how autobiographical events are remembered. Specifically, implicit motives modulate encoding and recall of emotional experiences, vivid memories, and event-specific knowledge through nonconscious organizing strategies that facilitate affective end states. Explicit motives modulate encoding and recall of events linked to self-concept stability change, as well as routine experiences and general event scripts that represent typical self-attributed behaviors that facilitate the attainment of current goals. Research from narrative essays, self-report data, and controlled experiments demonstrates that implicit and explicit motives have a differential influence on each step of the memory process. An integrative framework explains this research from a functional perspective.