This study, of modern common sense in Nigeria, combines questionnaires and interviews to examine the compatibility and incompatibility of religion and science. Nigeria is a large country with a complex diversity of religious, ethnic and cultural practices that condition the reception and elaboration of science in everyday life. We find evaluative attitudes to science structured as ‘progress’, ‘fear’ and ‘mythical image’. Scientific knowledge and religiosity have a direct bearing on expectations of progress and feeling of fear and worry about science; mythical image is independent of this. Nigerians trust both scientific and religious authorities in contrast to other social actors. Many of the results are consistent with the hypothesis of cognitive polyphasia of scientific and religious knowing manifesting as a ‘hierarchy’, when one form is elevated over the other; ‘parallelity’, when both serve separate functions; and ‘empowerment’, where one enhances the other.

The Ebola virus disease outbreak in West Africa (2013–2016) claimed over 10 000 lives in less than 18 months. Low levels of familiarity with the disease, ease of transmission, scale of infection, gruesomeness of symptoms, lack of cure and high fatality rate created a global panic. From the perspective of the social psychology of communication and content analysis, this study examines media coverage of the crisis in Africa with a view to unpacking the scientific and non-scientific information that may have framed public understanding of the disease. Findings show that accepting scientific advice was not unproblematic, because of the similarity of early symptoms with known diseases such as Lassa, dengue and malaria fevers. Cultural and religious actors and beliefs posed a paradox for believers as the public assimilated disease prevention information into existing norms and practices. Rumours and conspiracy theories about Western governments and pharmaceuticals also contributed to the rejection of the scientific explanation of its origin. Fear of the devastating effects of the disease and the lack of a cure led to the stigmatisation of the infected and treatment centres and ultimately to public revolts. Findings show the importance of non-scientific information and actors in matters of health and illness in Africa.

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This study examines the coexistence of science with Christian, Islamic and African religious beliefs and its implications for science communication. Using Moscovici's social representations theory and focusing on his accommodation hypothesis, the paper draws from experiences in mental health care, vaccination controversies and viral epidemics using case studies from West Africa. It also draws similarities from historical vaccination controversies around the world and the Zika virus epidemic in Brazil. The paper shows that Moscovici's accommodation hypothesis of cognitive polyphasia better explains the coexistence of science and religious belief, which can, however, be double-edged. It also shows that coexistence can lead to a positive cross-referral system, as in the case of mental health in Ghana; can have initial negative outcomes, as in vaccination campaigns in Nigeria and Cameroon; or can aid the spread and eventual containment of disease, as experienced during the Ebola virus disease epidemic in West Africa. Thus, while science remains a reference beacon in all controversies, its coexistence with religious belief can lead to an initial plunge in authority from which it eventually recovers. The choice of authority is also complicated by the dual role of some scientists as religious leaders and by previous untoward experiences with science, conspiracy theories and rumours about Western interventions in Africa.

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The decade 2001 to 2009 was one of contrasting scientific achievements in Nigeria: while the public responded positively to technology-with telephone penetration increasing from less than 900 000 telephone landlines and a teledensity of 0.73 in 2001 to 111 million Global System for Mobile Telephony (GSM) lines and a teledensity of 63.1 in 2010 1-the use of the oral polio vaccine was banned in some parts of the country following a revolt premised on a conspiracy against Muslims. The revolt, which resulted in about 5000 new cases, spread the disease to hitherto free neighbouring countries and created an image of a country that is pro-religion and anti-science. This commentary is about the place of science in Nigerian newspapers as a proxy for public opinion. Newspapers are a functional part of the public sphere: a realm of our social life in which something approaching public opinion can be formed. 2 The idea of a public sphere is that of a body of private persons assembled to discuss matters of public concern or common interest and newspapers, radio, television, the Internet, etc. are the media required for transmitting information and influencing those who receive it. 2,3 The media's role in transmitting information, argues McQuail, makes it an instrument of social power. 4 Being an instrument of social power does not, however, make the media our only source of social reality, but it plays a central role in the thinking society dynamic. 5 The definition of social reality, of facts, norms, values and expectations, 6 is, however, contextual; and as journalists are themselves part of society, how they practise their profession will be largely influenced by their culture, value systems and corporate practices. Livingstone 7 , however, argues that audiences are heterogeneous in their interpretation and, at times, even resistant to the dominant meanings encoded in news.