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Immigrant integration is a contested policy field in which boundaries of membership are drawn and re-negotiated whereby groups of immigrants are partially included and excluded. Building on the concept of collective identity and theories of boundary making, this paper illustrates how religion functions as a category to mark and fill notions of self and otherness. As several studies have shown, immigrants in Europe are increasingly addressed as Muslims, a development that also serves the promotion of a Christian 'us'. Focusing on Austria and Germany, two countries where this is especially observable, the paper outlines the functioning of religion as symbolic boundary. The empirical study on national integration policies demonstrates how-within the relational process of boundary drawing against Muslims-a Christian identity narrative is established, how it functions as a marker of unity and how it relates to liberal and secular notions. Results from the qualitative content analysis of governmental policy programs from 2005 onwards show different patterns of boundary drawing on religion and the way they shape and limit the possibilities of inclusion. To understand this development, we have to look at Christian-democratic policy-makers, who currently dominate the political struggle for the power to define features of collective identity in immigrant integration policies.

'Muslim' has become a frequently applied category in immigrant integration policy. While there is extensive research on the construction of this religious category to identify the target groups of these policies, there are few empirical studies on the category use. Many scholars argue that populations of immigrants were increasingly labelled as 'Muslim' following the 9/11 terror attacks. Also, the increased application of 'Muslim' is debated as the result of the anti-Islam mobilisation by populist right-wing parties or in relation to the institutional accommodation of Islam. This article asks when, through which actors and in which contexts the category 'Muslim' entered and evolved in the policy field. The study focuses on parliamentary immigrant integration debates in Austria, Germany and Switzerland (1993-2013). The analysis shows that right-wing parties make use of the category 'Muslim' in relation to security and common values. Left-wing actors take up the category to criticise this usage, while mainstream parties do so when discussing the accommodation of Islam. Instances of religious violence were not found to generate a sustained increase in category use, while the agenda setting of populist parties on the right and the extent to which the accommodation of Islam is debated proved to be decisive.

Across Europe we see faith-based organizations (FBOs) getting involved in the policy field of immigrant integration. The interweaving of the policy fields of religion politics and immigrant integration is particularly delicate in systems of religionstate cooperation. Here, FBOs and state actors build on each other to fulfil certain tasks. This paper explores how FBOs are involved in the field of immigrant integration and which techniques of government are being used. Drawing on empirical case studies from Austria, Germany and Switzerland, the paper shows that religious communities fulfil multiple roles as civil society actors, as religious representatives or as migrant associations. While similarities occur due to comparable structures and institutions, observed differences are the consequence of different constellations of suspicion and trust between FBOs and state actors. Schlüsselwörter Integrationspolitik, religiöse Diversität, Governance, Gouvermentalität, Islam in Europa Acknowledgement I want to thank Sieglinde Rosenberger for her helpful comments on a previous version of this article. Her analytical way of thinking, her ability to be critical beyond the sake of criticism and her fine sense for the issues of our time are always inspiring. Keywords

Waren politische Debatten zur Integration von MigrantInnen lange Zeit durch einen Fokus auf Kultur und Werte gekennzeichnet, gewinnen „leistungsorientierte“ Zugänge zunehmend an Relevanz. Die österreichische Integrationspolitik nach der Einführung eines Staatssekretariats für Integration (2011-2013) zeigt anschaulich, wie ein solcher Zugang zum Leitprinzip einer Regierungspolitik werden kann. Der Beitrag geht dem Ansatz „Integration durch Leistung“ in einer Analyse von Rhetorik und Policy nach. Er untersucht einerseits das Leistungsnarrativ und sein Verhältnis zum bisherigen Integrationsdiskurs und stellt aufbauend darauf dar, ob bzw. wie diese diskursive Neuausrichtung in Policies übersetzt wurde. Dabei zeigt sich, dass sich der Ansatz zentral auf traditionelle Leistungskriterien der Arbeitsmarkt- und Bildungspolitik stützt, darüber hinaus aber nur partielle Erweiterungen des Leistungsbegriffs beinhaltet. Diese Gegenüberstellung erlaubt schließlich, immanente Ambivalenzen eines Leistungskonzeptes für die Integration von MigrantInnen aber auch seine Inklusions- und Exklusionspotentiale zu diskutieren.

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Research on political and societal responses to religious diversity has focused on supranational institutions 1 ,t he nation state 2 ,t he city 3 or specific institutions 4 as the mainl evels of analysis. Thei nstitutional level offers ap articularly fruitful angle of analysis inasmuch as the challenges posed by religious diversityare often experienced most directly in concrete institutional settings such as the school, the hospital, the military barracks, the prison, or the workplace.I nstitutions are "systems of establisheda nd prevalent social rules that structure social interactions" 5 and the organizational setting in which thesei nteractionst ake place. Both are challenged by the accommodation of ag rowing religious diversity. Often, it is at theinstitutional level that the governance of religion takes place, whether by formal regulations or in an uncoordinated manner, as people in these institutions are faced witht he need to find practicals olutions to manage the everyday consequences of increased religious diversification. Moreover, institutions are also socializing agents.They have the power to shapethe behaviour and judgments/worldviews of individuals through their own particular institutional cultures,traditions and long established patterns of action. 6 In this special issue,wehave placed institutions at the center of the analysis,focusing both on the factors that shape institutional responses,o nt he responses themselves,a nd on their consequences for individuals and society.Therange and type of institutions examinedinthis volume is wide.Christine Brunn and Andrea Rea focus primarily on nationalf rameworks and governmental institutions.Whereas Brunn examinesinstitutional factors guidingthe formulation of public policiesinthe area of immigrantintegration, Rea directshis attention to the impact of national institutions on the establishment of programs of leadership training for Imams.This approach is different fromthe one adopted by Wolfram Reiss and Julia Martínez-AriÇo &Mar Griera, who chose to investigate specific organizations at the subnational level, namely the military,t he 1K oenig

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