People with limiting longstanding illness and low education may experience problems in the labor market. Reduced employment protection that maintains economic security for the individual, known as "flexicurity," has been proposed as a way to increase overall employment. We compared the development of labor market policies and employment rates from 1990 to 2010 in Denmark and the Netherlands (representing flexicurity), the United Kingdom, and Sweden. Employment rates in all countries were much lower in the target group than for other groups over the study period. However, "flexicurity" as practiced in Denmark, far from being a "magic bullet," appeared to fail low-educated people with longstanding illness in particular. The Swedish policy, on the other hand, with higher employment protection and higher economic security, particularly earlier in the study period, led to higher employment rates in this group. Findings also revealed that economic security policies in all countries were eroding and shifting toward individual responsibility. Finally, results showed that active labor market policies need to be subcategorized to better understand which types are best suited for the target group. Increasing employment among the target group could reduce adverse health consequences and contribute to decreasing inequalities in health.
BackgroundIn Europe and elsewhere there is rising concern about inequality in health and increased prevalence of mental ill-health. Structural determinants such as welfare state arrangements may impact on levels of mental health and social inequalities. This systematic review aims to assess the current evidence on whether structural determinants are associated with inequalities in mental health outcomes.MethodsWe conducted a systematic review of quantitative studies published between 1996 and 2017 based on search results from the following databases Medline, Embase, PsychInfo, Web of Science, Sociological Abstracts and Eric. Studies were included if they focused on inequalities (measured by socio-economic position and gender), structural determinants (i.e. public policies affecting the whole population) and showed a change or comparison in mental health status in one (or more) of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) countries. All studies were assessed for inclusion and study quality by two independent reviewers. Data were extracted and synthesised using narrative analysis.ResultsTwenty-one articles (17 studies) met the inclusion criteria. Studies were heterogeneous with regards to methodology, mental health outcomes and policy settings. More comprehensive and gender inclusive welfare states (e.g. Nordic welfare states) had better mental health outcomes, especially for women, and less gender-related inequality. Nordic welfare regimes may also decrease inequalities between lone and couple mothers. A strong welfare state does not buffer against socio-economic inequalities in mental health outcomes. Austerity measures tended to worsen mental health and increase inequalities. Area-based initiatives and educational policy are understudied.ConclusionAlthough the literature on structural determinants and inequalities in mental health is limited, our review shows some evidence supporting the causal effects of structural determinants on mental health inequalities. The lack of evidence should not be interpreted as lack of effect. Future studies should apply innovative methods to overcome the inherent methodological challenges in this area, as structural determinants potentially affect both levels of mental health and social inequalities.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (10.1186/s12939-018-0879-9) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
BackgroundIn most developed countries, governments are implementing policies encouraging older persons to work past 65 years to reduce the burden on societies related to disability benefits and pension payments. Despite this push to extend working lives, we know little about who already works past this age and any inequalities that may exist. Our study investigates the employment rates of those aged 65–75 years of age by educational level, health status and sex in Canada (CAN), Denmark (DK), Sweden (SE) and the United Kingdom (UK). Secondly, we aim to relate findings on employment rates to prevailing policies in the different countries, to increase the understanding on how to further extend working lives.MethodsWe used nationally representative cross-sectional survey data from the 2012–2013 Canadian Community Health Survey, 2013/14 Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe for Denmark and Sweden and the 2013 English Longitudinal Study of Ageing to examine employment rates for those aged 65–75 years by sex, educational level and health status (having limiting longstanding illness (LLI) or not).ResultsEmployment rates decline by age, but we see a linear decline in CAN and the UK compared to an initial decline then a plateau of employment rates from 66 to 68 years in DK and SE. Employment rates among persons aged 65–75 years were lower in the UK than in CAN, DK and SE. Among women, employment rates were highest in SE. Women with low education and a LLI had considerably lower employment rates than men with low education and a LLI (employment rates for men ranged from 27% to 12% compared with employment rates for women which ranged from 12% to 0%).ConclusionsOur results suggest that educational level, sex and health all play a role in extending working lives. The variation in employment rates between the four countries implies that policies do matter, but that social differentials show that policies cannot be ‘one size fits all’. Policy-makers must consider different groups (i.e. low-educated women with a LLI) when designing policies to extend working lives.
BackgroundDenmark and Sweden have implemented reforms that narrowed disability benefit eligibility criteria. Such reforms in combination with increasing work demands create a pincer movement where in particular those with moderate health problems might be unable to comply with work demands, but still not qualify for permanent disability benefits, ending up with temporary means-tested or no benefits. This paper examines whether this actually happened before and after the reforms.MethodsThe Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) study waves 1–2 and 4–6 in Denmark and Sweden for the age group 50–59 years (N=5384) was used to analyse changes in employment rates and benefits among people with different levels of health before, during and after disability benefit reforms. Interaction between time and health in relation to employment versus permanent or temporary benefits was used as a criterion for whether our hypotheses was confirmed.ResultsOverall, employment rates have increased in the age group, but only among the healthy. The OR for receiving temporary or no benefits increased from 1.25 (95% CI: 0.81 to 1.90) before to 1.73 (95% CI: 1.14 to 2.61) after policy reforms for the 29% with moderate health problems and from 2.89 (95% CI: 1.66 to 5.03) to 6.71 (95% CI: 3.94 to 11.42) among the 11% with severe health problems. The interaction between time and health was statistically significant (p<0.001).ConclusionPeople with impaired health and workability are forced into a life with temporary means-tested or no benefits when pressed by rising work demands and stricter disability benefit eligibility criteria.
Aim: This article aims to explore how policymakers conceptualise a person suitable for disability income support (DIS) and how this compares across two settings – Australia and Canada. Methods: A constructivist grounded theory approach was used; 45 policymakers in Australia and Canada were interviewed between March 2012 and September 2013. All policymakers are or were influential in the design or assessment of DIS. Results: Results found that the policymakers in both jurisdictions define a suitable person as having as an ‘ideal type’ of disability with five features – visibility, diagnostic proof, permanency, recognition as a medical illness and perceived as externally caused. Many of the policymakers described how mental illnesses are not an ‘ideal type’ of disability for DIS by juxtaposing the features of mental illnesses against physical illnesses. As such, mental illnesses were labelled imperfect disabilities and physical illnesses as ‘ideal type’ for DIS. Conclusions: The rise of DIS recipients has divided the once protected ‘deserving’ category of the disabled into more (‘ideal type’ of disability) and less deserving (imperfect disability). Such conceptualisations are important because these categories can influence the allocation of welfare resources.
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