Food insecurity prevalence among disaster-affected households has been found to be higher than state prevalence in non-disaster times. This study applies a socio-ecological model of post-disaster food insecurity to a nested quota sample (n = 1002) recruited for a web survey from 41 Texas counties affected by Hurricane Harvey 12-15 months post-event. This analysis identifies risk and protective factors for food insecurity. Chi-square analysis was used to examine independent associations between individual, household, and social factors with food insecurity. A multivariate logistic model was fitted and adjusted odds ratios are reported. Economic instability (adjusted odds ratio (OR) 2.43; 95% Confidence Interval (CI) 1.73, 3.41), relocation due to Hurricane Harvey (OR 1.89; CI 1.15, 3.09), major home damage (OR 2.11; CI 1.12, 3.98), non-white race -black (OR 1.79; CI 1.01, 3.18), Hispanic (OR 1.67; CI 1.09, 2.54), other race (OR 4.39; CI 1.96, 9.82) -and community-based organization assistance (1.99; 1.11, 3.58) were risk factors while older age (45-64 years: 0.49; 0.32, 0.73; 65+ years 0.40; 0.22, 0.75), better physical health (0.46; 0.29, 0.71), better mental health (0.46; 0.32, 0.67), and high social support (0.37; 0.25, 0.55) were protective against food insecurity. Disaster policies and programs should address the disproportionate burden on households that relocate or have health conditions. Fostering social support networks, especially among relocated populations, may improve disaster health outcomes.
Objective. This article explores how the Millennial Generation identity-the shared values and experiences of young adults (born between 1980 and 1997)-affects political polarization of climate change belief, specifically how it mediates the relationship between party affiliation and educational attainment. Method. To test this, an interaction between Millennial * Republican * education is estimated, using data from an original national survey administered in 2015. Results. Millennials are more likely to believe in the evidence of climate change and its anthropogenic causes than older adults of their same party affiliation. Unlike older adults, the most educated Millennials are not the most likely to adhere to political party stance; rather, it is among the least educated Millennials that party sorting is most evident. Conclusion. The Millennial Generation identity is meaningful for understanding political attitudes. Important distinctions exist between Millennials and older adults in the evaluation of climate change opinion and related policies.
On April 22, 2017, millions of people marched for science in response to a growing sense of urgency for preserving scientific funding and knowledge, both perceived as threatened by the Trump administration. This research note highlights data collected at three marches: Washington, D.C.; Los Angeles, California; and Austin, Texas. We examine marcher motivations for participation, finding the environment, current administration, and science funding were most prevalent. Furthermore, we find the majority of marchers support stances that position science as public good, including the belief that science informs responsible government policies and the support of government investments in science.
Decentralization is argued to create incentives for local and regional politicians to be more responsive and accountable to their constituents, but few studies have directly tested this claim. We use survey data from Colombia to examine individual-level evaluations of the degree to which decentralization prompts citizens to view department government as more accountable. We estimate the effect of administrative, fiscal, and political decentralization, controlling for participation, political knowledge, confidence in government, education, and income on perceptions of accountability. Our results indicate that administrative and fiscal decentralization improve perceptions of accountability, while political decentralization does not.
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