The primary objective of this study was to describe the food landscape of Flint, Michigan, and the surrounding townships. We investigated the relationship between the location of food outlets and the racial composition of census tracts. We collected data from multiple sources; however, Data Axle, a repository of information on the U.S. and Canadian businesses, was our primary data source. Data were collected and verified between September 2020 and December 2021. The final fact-checking was completed in June 2022. We used ArcGIS 10.8.1 and SPSS Version 28 to map and analyze the data. We conducted negative binomial regression analyses to identify the difference in the likelihood of finding food retailers in census tracts where the percentage of Black residents was low and those where the percentage of Blacks was high. The article examines 1,137 food retailers in the study area: 407 were in Flint, and the remainder in the surrounding townships. Restaurants—especially fast food and take-out establishments—dominated the food environment. In addition, small groceries and convenience stores proliferated in the grocery store category. The racial composition of the census tracts mattered. Census tracts in which more than 40% of the residents are Black have a mean of 7.6 food outlets. In comparison, census tracts in which 40% or less of the residents are Black have a mean of 11.3 food outlets; the difference is significant. Census tracts with a high percentage of Blacks also had significantly fewer restaurants. The results of this study show Flint’s food landscape to be more complex and robust than described in earlier studies. It underscores the point that researchers should not rely solely on documenting the presence of supermarkets or traditional grocery stores when addressing food insecurity and food access. In the case of Flint, such food outlets comprise only 2.2% of the food landscape. Focusing exclusively on these food retailers misses several important types of food venues that residents rely on to secure food. This siloed approach also ignores the resilience and ingenuity of residents to respond to limited access to traditional food retailers.

Most food access studies focus on large cities, examine traditional grocery stores, and only consider operational food outlets. This siloed approach exposes a gap in food access literature. Therefore, as a part of our assessment of Flint’s food landscape, we examined closed food outlets in the city and surrounding townships. We investigated the relationship between the racial composition of census tracts and the number and type of defunct food outlets identified. We used Data Axle to collect and verify data on open and closed food outlets between September 2020 and December 2021. We made a final verification of the food outlet closures in June 2022. We used ArcGIS 10.8.1 and SPSS Version 28 to map and analyze the data. We used negative binomial regression models to determine differences in the likelihood of having an additional closed food outlet in census tracts with low and high percentages of Black residents. We also investigated the relationship between a census tract’s median income and the likelihood of having an additional closed food outlet. There were 173 closed food outlets; 81 were in Flint, and 92 were in surrounding townships. The most frequently closed food outlets were restaurants; they accounted for 45.1% of the closures. The mean number of closed food venues in census tracts where less than 40% of the residents were Black was 1.5. The mean was similar in census tracts where 40% or more of the residents were Black; it was 1.6. This difference was not significant. However, the median income of a census tract was a significant predictor of the likelihood of having an additional closed food outlet. Every one-thousand-dollar increase in median income resulted in a 2% less likelihood of having an additional closed food outlet. The results of this study show that there is more to the food landscape of a city than its operational food outlets. Focusing exclusively on active food outlets does not accurately depict a city's food infrastructure.