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We are experiencing a global paradigmatic change in the relationships between government(s), education, philanthropy and business. The ways in which social and educational problems are being organised and addressed, nationally and globally, are changing in response to the methods of 'new' philanthropy and the privileging of 'market-based' solutions to these problems. The new sensibilities of giving and social 'investment' have led to increasing use of commercial and enterprise models of practice as a new generic form of philanthropic organisation, practice and language -venture philanthropy, philanthropic investments and portfolios, due diligence, entrepreneurial solutions, etc. New philanthropy is bringing new players into the field of social and education policy, repopulating and reworking existing policy networks. The first part of the article explores succinctly some key concepts involved in the ongoing changes in the roles and methods of philanthropy, configuring what the authors refer to as 'philanthropic governance'. The second part focuses on the identification of sets of new actors within new networks of policy, of which philanthropy is a part. More concretely, the authors analyse here specific 'generative nodes', such as the Clinton Global Initiative, which connect and facilitate the creation of partnerships between actors from the public and the private sector. The article concludes by highlighting how the shifts and moves involved here are made up of and driven by a complex set of advocacy networks, business interests, 'new' philanthropy, and changes in the form and modalities of the state.Philanthropy is fashionable again. The rich want to give, they want to solve the problems of the world, and governments are attracted by the influx of new money, new ideas and new forms of service delivery, especially in the face of constant criticism of the failings of public sector organisations. The ways in which social and educational problems are being organised and addressed, nationally and globally, are changing in response to the methods of 'new' philanthropy and the privileging of 'market-based' solutions to these problems. 'We are now officially in the era of "phylantrepreneurs" where the difference between a VC [venture capital] fund and a foundation, a hot start-up and social venture become totally blurry ' (Marinucci, 2007).These new sensibilities of giving and social 'investment' have led to increasing use of commercial and enterprise models of practice as a new generic form of philanthropic organisation, practice and language -venture philanthropy, philanthropic investments and portfolios, due diligence, entrepreneurial solutions, etc. The 'new' philanthropists want to see clear and measurable impacts and outcomes from their 'investments' of time and money. New philanthropy is bringing new players into the field of social and education policy, repopulating and reworking existing policy networks. This reconfiguration rests upon a double moral shift in the conception of the relationship betwee...

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This article explores the increasing commercialisation of education through the empirical case of Teach For All, a network of social enterprises which is spreading a new model of teacher training across Europe and around the world. This model, which is supported and funded by a heterogeneous mix of public institutions and private sector organisations, is not only opening up public education to private involvement and influence, but it is also reshaping what it means to be a teacher. The substantive argument that we present here is that commercialisation is not only about making money (which is certainly being achieved through this kind of heterarchical network), but also about making people up as commercial and enterprising subjects. Drawing on the idea of neoliberalism as both a material process of economisation, and a form of governmentality, we weave together an analysis which considers the interrelations between profit, the subjectivities of the Teach For All teacher, and the governance of teacher education in Europe.

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This article analyses the impact of social class on the process of school choice in Spain from the viewpoint of middle-class families. This practice must be seen in the framework of the new social context generated by the information society. The article begins by briefly describing changes in school choice policies in Spain. For a wider understanding, these changes are related to the broader process of the marketisation of education, which has been taking place in this country for the last 20 years. In the second part of the article, qualitative data are presented on how middle-class parents understand and experience the process of choosing a particular school for their children. In this study, 24 interviews were carried out in the city of Granada (southern Spain). They were fully transcribed and analysed using the methodology suggested by 'grounded theory' and Bourdieu's concept of social class. Aspects related to social and cultural capital are added to the traditional social class indicators, which are usually expressed in economic terms. Attention centres on the creation of reconversion strategies for these different forms of capital used by families to obtain positional advantage for their children. This research thus revisits the principles of social reproduction theories from the viewpoint of the 'winners', i.e. middle-class families. Education in Spain has undergone important changes over the last 30 years. The quantitative and qualitative expansion of the public system has been a key aspect in this political development. In the early 1990s, both the introduction of comprehensive policies, and the extension of compulsory education to the age of 16 (Educational Reform Act 1990), were the culmination of the modernisation process that had begun in the 1970s (Bonal, 1995). Some may say that the Spanish educational situation is now fairer than in preceding decades, whereas others claim this is merely a mirage. In Bonal's words: 'inequalities have been reduced because at the beginning of the 80s the situation of the service was profoundly inegalitarian. Nevertheless, some privileges are still maintained' (Bonal, 1998, p. 166). Policies are quite often contradictory in their objectives and the resources allocated to achieve them. In some cases, the policies are 'imported' from abroad, in the hope they will solve existing problems. The introduction of market-centred policies in some 'spaces', historically understood as 'public services', is presented by way of 'magic policies' (Ball, 1998, p. 124). In Spain, during the last decade, education has been a field where these changes have taken place (Calero, 1998). There are five aspects in which quasi-market elements have been incorporated into the Spanish educational system (Calero, 1998): structure and differentiation of the 'product' (probably not at curricular level, which is controlled by the State, but in the quality of teachers, extracurricular activities, services, etc.); changes in school choice policies (reducing state control); changes in the financing sy...