On the last Sunday of July, 1984, a bishops pastoral was read out for the first time in all Polish churches: it contained an appeal to the nation to abstain from vodka and to be moderate in consumption of other alcoholic beverages throughout August, a special month in the history of Poland. The appeal has a special position in the Church's postwar activities aimed at ,,sobering the nation up". Its chief novelty is the way in which the need for such renouncement is grounded. The authors cite first and foremost the national values: ,Forty years ago, Warsaw ran with blood. It is the highest time now for (...) Poles to bring themselves to a definite act of sobriety as a tribute to those who fell in the streets of Warsaw fighting for freedom and in the name of the noblest ideals. (...) May this great nationwide abstention from vodka become the Nation's moral rising against subjugation which finds one of its most tragic expressions in drunkenness (...). May this be a rising against this aspect of incapacitation of the Polish nation". A similar appeal was also issued a year later and in 1986; in the latter case, it was for total abstinence.               In 1986, a study was carried out at the Lublin Catholic University. It was to define: 1) the range of social backing for the Church appeal of August 1984; 2) the social circles in which the backing was greater vs. smaller; and 3) the state authorities attitude towards that initiative. Examined was a nationwide representative sample of 2,105 persons aged at least 18.               A decided rnajority of Polish society were well-disposed towards the Church's August initiative, 80 per cent of the examined persons expressing a favourable opinion about the appeal. Every fifth respondent voiced his fullest approval. Also most of the examined persons stressed the Church's high prestige and social authority in their statements: in their opinion, these factors should contribute to a higher social approval of the appeal. Others who also backed the appeal pointed to the dangers that result from drunkenness and alcoholism. In many cases) the respondents added to their statements various relevant postulates which they believed the society and government ought to meet. ,,There was a great need for such an appeal'', said one of the respondents, ,,all Polish people should back it." Another one said, In my opinion, this (initiative) is super. The government should give all its backing to it."              About 7 per cent of the respondents were ill-disposed towards the August appeal. Some of them thought it to be senseless; but others were highly aggressive towards it. ,,A clerical whim", was one of such opinions. Women were much better-disposed towards the Church's initiative than men. The Episcopate's pastoral received the warmest reception in medium-sized and big towns, and the coolest-in small towns. Those with secondary and incomplete elementary education were most favourable towards the appeal than intellectuals, and than factorymen in particular.                The respondents were rather skeptical about the results of such appeals. Of the 829 persons who expressed their opinion about this problem, only 16.5 per cent believed such initiatives to be generally effective. They thought most of the nation would comply with the appeal which might thus ,,stop the extention of  drunkenness’’ or ,, hold the nation on the edge of a precipice’’. Their optimistic attitudes resulted from their recent observations. A considerable group of respondents saw ,, a smaller number of drunks in the streets of Polish towns in August’’. About 15 per cent of those who expressed their opinion about this problem estimated the August appeal not to be very effective and thought only the ,,deepest believers’’ would comply with it. 16 per cent of the respondents were ambivalent, and the largest proportion, about 34 per cent of the examined persons, found the Church’s August initiative to be ineffective. Most of the latter thought this situation to result from the fact that ,, those who drink never go to church’’.                 As follows from the study, 10.5 per cent of adult Poles gave their active backing to the August appeal. This means that about 2.8 million of Poles abstained from alcohol in August 1986, thus expressing their solidarity with the Church appeal. Interesting are motives that actuated the decision to comply with the appeal for sobriety. Among them, the motives of a social nature prevail, with over two-thirds of the discussed group of respondents stating that they found the appeal to be just and useful and hence supported it, or that they wanted this way to contribute to the reduction of drinking and alcoholism in Poland, or believed alcohol to bring about much unhappiness and suffering. About 30 per cent of this group mentioned religious motives, including about 27 per cent who were actuated by general, and 3 per cent by personal religious reasons. Women’s response to the appeal was much more favourable than that of men: 12.7 per cent of adult Polish women complied with the appeal for sobriety, as compared with 8 per cent only of adult men. Persons aged over 60 gave the strongest backing to the appeal; also those in their forties and fifties were well-disposed to that initiative. It won but a weak support of the youth, and the least favourable were those aged 26-40. The higher educated circles were less willing to comply with the appeal than those with a lower level of education. The appeal proved most convincing for the population of medium-sized towns and communes; instead, the inhabitants of small towns and big cities were most reserved towards it. Among the professionally active, peasants and intellectuals were much better-disposed towards the bishops pastoral than entrepreneurs, workmen, and especially peasants who have extra jobs as workmen. Of those who are not employed pensioners and housewives were equally inclined to support the appeal, this tendency being weaker among students and schoolchildren. A strong correlation was found between the attitude towards the appeal and religious observance. The church-going persons were better-disposed towards the appeal than those who practice occasionally or not at all. A relation was also found between a Party or trade-union membership and the attitude towards the appeal. Members of the Polish United Workers Party were more critical towards it than persons with no party affiliation; a similar interdependence found also in the case of trade-unions membership.                As shown by statistical analysis, the following traits are most strongly correlated with the attitude towards the appeal: regularity of religious practices on holidays: sex; socio-professional group ; age; type  and size of locality; education; membership of the Polish United Worker’s Party and trade-unions.

The phenomenon of drug addiction has been known in Poland for at least several dozen years. In the period of the second Republic, it was not a major social problem. In 1933, the total of 295 addicts were hospitalized in Poland. According to pre-war researchers, the number of drug addicts could be estimated at over 5 thousand persons in the early 1930s. The pre-war addicts took first of all classic drugs: morphine, heroin, and cocaine. Also codeine, Somniphrene and Pantopon were rather frequently taken. Less frequent was the use of hashish, mescaline and peyotl. Headache wafers played the part of substitutes.             According to the data of the health service and the Warsaw public prosecutor's office, about three – fourth of drug addicts were men. Most addicts were in their thirties; hardly any could be found among the youth, as far as morphinism is concerned in particular. This type of addiction could be found nearly exclusively among persons aged over 30. The situation shaped ,somewhat differently as regards codeine addicts: also younger persons. could be found in this group. In the socio professional structure of addicts included in the files of the Warsaw public prosecutor's office, clerks prevailed; their percentage amounting to 30. The second most numerous group were craftsmen and tradesmen-,13 per cent, and the third on -representatives of medical professions (chemists, doctors, surgeon, assistants, nurses, midwifes) of whom there were 9 per cent. The percentage of workers was 2, of prostitutes-5, and artists-4. In the opinion of the most of the pre-war researchers, the above socio-professional structure is distorted. According to them, drug-addiction was much more widespread among officers (of the air force and navy in particular), artists, writers and journalists. As regards religion, pre-war addicts constituted as varied a mosaic as the entire society in those days. There were among them representatives of all of the most numerous religious groups then found in Poland. Roman Catholics were most, and members of the orthodox church-least :susceptible to drug addiction. The pre-war researchers of drug addiction devoted a lot of attention to the problem of etiology of this ,,social disease'' Some of them stressed above all the medical-others-the economic and political, and still others - the cultural or those related to civilization causes. There were also conceptions that laid particular emphasis on physiology and biochemistry of the human body.              The evolution of drug addiction in the post-war forty years may be divided into four stages.             The first of them lasted till about mid-1960s. The extent of the phenomenon was then limited, with the average of about 400 persons treated in out-patient clinics, and about 150 -in psychiatric hospitals. Also the police statistics point to small sizes of this phenomenon. In 1967, as few as 9 offences directly related to drug addiction were recorded in Poland. Drug addicts of those days descended from rather specific circles. They were mostly representatives of medical professions, that is persons with a relatively easy access to drugs. Over 90 per cent of all morphine addicts were employees of the health service. Drugs taken most frequently were the classical ones;(morphine, cocaine), tranquilizers (Glimid, Tardyl) and stimulants (amphetamines). In thest period, one could hardly speak of drug addiction as a subcultural phenomenon. It was mainly a medical problem. The majority of the drug taking persons were those already dependent. The addicts of those days formed no close groups sharing a given ideology, specific symbols or language. The taking of narcotic drugs was not a social but an individual behaviour in most cases.             The second stage are the late 1960s and the early 1970s. In that period, a rapid growth in the extent of drug addiction can be noticed. In the years 1969-1973, the number of patients treated because of drug addiction in out-patient psychiatric clinics was quintupled, and in psychiatric hospitals, tripled. In 1972, there were about 3,150 patients treated in psychiatric clinics, and about 600 in psychiatric hospitals.             Also the number of offences directly related to drug addiction grew rapidly. While in 1967 there was not a single instance of unauthorized giving of narcotic drug (art. 161 of the Penal Code) or of forging prescriptions (art. 265 § 1 of the Penal Code), 105 and 417 such acts respectively were recorded five years later. In 1971, over 3,000 persons "taking narcotic drugs" were registered in the police files. As found in a sociological study carried out in 1972 among students of all grammar, vocational and elementary vocational schools in Gdańsk, Sopot and Gdynia, 8.3 per cent of the respondents had contacts with narcotic drugs. In the case of about 45 per cent of this group, these contacts were occasional. According to the authors of the study, this percentage is the "minimum frequency of occurence" of drug taking "in the population of school youth in Gdansk, Gdynia and Sopot.'' In this early 1970s, the number of persons in danger of becoming addicts (i.e. those who took drugs regularly) and those already dependent was estimated at about 30 thousand.             In the discussed period, also the character of addiction underwent changes: it became a subcultural phenomenon. The base on which it developed were the youth contestation movements which emerged in Poland as well. Addiction was given a cultural dimension by the ideology of the hippie movement. Taking drugs ceased to be an individual behaviour and became a social one which expressed certain attitudes and symbolized the affiliation to a given subculture. The young who took drugs formed smaller or bigger groups with strong internal bonds and a great sense of solidarity. They used specific symbols (way of dressing, recognition signals, rich repertoire of gestures, aliases, etc.) and quite a rich language (characteristic names of drugs and activities related to their taking). The very taking of drugs was acompanied by more or less developed rituals (narcotic coctails, seances, etc.).             In that period - and later on as well -the phenomenon of drug addiction was concentrated among the youth and in highly urbanized and industrialized regions. In 1972, nearly 75 per cent of persons hospitalized for the first time were those aged under 25, and over 60 per cent-under 29. In 1970, over 90 per cent of addicts treated in hospitals lived in towns. The limited drug marked. caused the youth to resort to substitutes on the unpracedented scale. In those years, general use of such substances as trichloroethylene, Ixi (washing powder), Butaprene (glus), ether, benzene, solvents and others started. Yet the major typ of addiction still remaind that to opium and its derivates, particularly in men, and to sleeping-draught and tranquilizers in women.             The third stage in the evolution of drug addiction are the years 1973-1976. In that period, a nearly 27 per cent decrease in the total of patients of psychiatric clinics, and a 40 per cent one in the case of those treated for the first time could be noticed. The morbidity index went down from 3.5 to 2.0. A similar trend, though less dynamic one, concerned also hospital service. In an attempt at explaining this phenomenon, three factors should be mentioned. Firstly, the early 1970s are the period when youth movements started to die out. Also a relative social peace reigned in those years, which caused drug addiction lose its socio-cultural base. Secondly, the medical authorities introduced a number of limitations in the accessibility of drugs in that period. Thirdly, repressive action of the police also influenced this tendency to a high degree. The prosecution agencies not only increased their efficiency greatly, but also acquired a much better knowledge of the addicts circles. These actions however proved insufficient to fully control addiction.             The fourth stage in the evolution of addiction started in the late 1970s. In the years 1977-1984, the number of patients treated in out-patient clinics increased twice over, and that of hospitalized persons - five times over. The indicates of dissemination and morbidity grew rapidly. Beginning from mid-1970s, the number of persons registered in the police files grew nearly two and a half times over. Also the number of deaths due to over dosage went up from year to year. In 1978, 18 such cases were recorded, with the number amounting to as many as 117 in 1986. The number of offences directly related to drug addiction went up from 1,093 in 1978 to 3,014 in 1983. The number of persons taking narcotic drugs was estimated at about 500-800 thousand in 1983; that of persons in danger of becoming addicts - at 99-95 thousand, and of actual addicts - about 40 thousand. Such is the minimum spread of the discussed phenomenon.             The unprecedented dissemination of drug addiction may be attributed to the emergence of two factors of which one is technological, and the other one psycho-social. In mid-1970s, the technology of production of a strong drug from poppy was worked out in Poland, which resulted in a great amount of strong narcotics appearing on the market. on the other hand, crisis started to accumulate in Poland in mid-1970s, which resulted in a growing frustration among the youth. The concurrence of these two factors brought about the explosion of drug addiction.

In Poland, the level of social confidence in a profession results mainly from: qualifications necessary for the pursuit of that procession; respect for the values to which the profession is particularly related, which it is to serve and to protect; the social usefulness of that profession; the degree of responsibility involved in the tasks performed; the arduousness of work; the level of material profits derived; the extent of  power involved in the profession; tradition; social respect for the institutions in which persons pursuing that profession are employed; those persons’ professional, social and moral attitudes. From a comparative analysis of many research findings it follows that the legal professions rank relatively low in the hierarchy of prestige. Certain changes have been taking place in this respect during the  las 50 years; yet the legal profession still enjoys a rather low level of social acceptance which is rather astonishing: a lawyer  has all the traits valued by Polish society. In the period of Polish People’s Republic, the relatively low prestige of the legal profession resulted from the then valid doctrine, state policy, the system of  administration of justice, and the attitudes and conduct of judges, public prosecutors, and barristers, In Polish People’s Republic, the law was not an independent value. It was to support the “historical process” and serve not justice itself but rather “historical justice”. It became the tool of social engineering which was to create a new society. Statutory law was transformed into a comprehensively_ oriented instrument of political action ‒ a utilitarian means of government. The legislation was to implement a political, social and economic program imposed from above. There was a dramatic drop in the importance of law as the exponent of values. This was due to a loosening of its natural relation to the sense of morality and justice. A number of decrees and statutes were passed, usually according to the valid procedure but lacking inner justness; they were called law but were essentially utterly lawless in many cases. For this reason, the social sense of justness seldom followed from statutory law; instead, it existed outside of the  law so to say. The law-citizen relation included pathological elements. Most of the social experiences of contacts with law and its representatives were negative. The law seldom defended the citizen, especially against arbitrary  decisions of the authorities; it usually punished him. The regulatory functions of law yielded precedence to its repressive functions. The conception of unity of state pover ruled out all independence of the judiciary in Polish  People’s Republic. The courts were subordinated to the executive authority not only in terms of administration but also to a large extent in their jurisdiction. This resulted from the very procedure of appointing and removing judges; the wide discretion to remove judges; the organization of supervision over judicial decisions; the terms of office of the Supreme Court; the practice of guiding principles for the judiciary, issued by the Supreme Court and binding for all courts. Appointment of desired benches and selection of cases, changes of the benches during proceedings, requests for court files during proceedings, summons of judges to one Ministry or another, individual and organized pressure – all of these were by no means exceptional situations in the courts of Polish People’s Republic. Judicial independence ultimately depends on the judge himself. A part of judges compromised on the norms of professional ethics and on common morality. The actual numer of “obedient” judges is difficult to estimate today. Even if they were few, that was certainly enough for the people’s confidence in courts to be shaken. It would be wrong to believe that the above processes, phenomena and facts remained unnoticed by the people. Society were fully aware of the functions assigned to the law and tasks of the institutions of administration of justice. The opinion knew many examples of public prosecutors, judges and barristers departing from the basic norms of the code of professional ethics. The authorities themselves saw to it, publishing resolutions of the Supreme Court and providing extensive coverage of many trials. Thus social attitudes towards the law, institutions of administration of justice and their representatives eroded continuously. Society had no confidence in the effectiveness of recourse to the law in vindication of one’s claims; they fully realized whose interests the public prosecutor’s oflices and courts actually guarded. The prosecutors and judges were perceived chiefly as functionaries of state. Paradoxically, in a totalitarian system where violations of individual rights were a common everyday practice, the lawyer hardly helped the citizens. The social usefulness of the lawyers’ professional roles grew smaller, and so did their prestige. In coming years the prestige of the legal professions will no doubt go up. This will be a result of: a general consolidation of the role of law in the life of state and society; development of a new law-citizen relation; an increased regulatory function of the law; financial promotion of the legal professions; and improved social image of institutions of administration of justice. There is much to indicate that social regard for the legal professions will eventually reach the Western level. The proces of the Polish hierarchy of prestige of individual professions becoming “European” will inevitably result in its losing its former “proletarian” nature; this will be expressed in a drop in social regard for workers. Already going down today is the pristige of miners, and also of teachers. From 1987 till 1993, the proportion of respondents who declared the greatest regard for miners and teachers dropped by 14 and 4 points respectively. Thus the distance between a judge and a miner dropped by 26, and that between a judge and a teacher – by 16 points. The social image of judges and institutions of administration of justice is shaped by the Poles’ twofold experience: the still fresh memory of “the past” and the not yet really known “present day”. The past meant obedient judges; courts as an extension of the arm of power; sentences clashing with the sense of justice etc. The present day means rampant corruption; frustration: inner dysfunction of the system; lack of skill in resolving matters which the people see as self-evident. The public opinion have not yet fully developed a view on judges and the institutions of administration of justice. A half of respondents believe that courts do good service to society, one-fifth think the opposite, and another one-fifth have no standpoint on the matter. Thus actually two parallel images of courts operate in the social consciousness. Groups which perceive the reality through glasses of the past, so to say, seek yesterday in today’s courts. The future-oriented groups, instead, tend to define those institutions in the categories of the still distant tomorrow. For this reason, even a relatively not too controversial decision taken by the judicial authority brings about an avalanche of the gravest accusations, that of attempting to restore the past included. The psychological conflict is hardly to the court’s advantage: an image still lingers in the social subconscious which prevents society from honestly appraising their work. Also political circumstances are not too favorable for institutions of administration of justice. The active involvement of representatives of the law in resolution of disputes which the opinion define as political makes them party to the conflict in the eyes of society. Past experiences have shown how convenient a tool the court can be in political struggle. Also the Government’s activity bears on the social image of administration of justice. For one year now, the most vehemently criticized area of the Government’s work is its policy of “crime control”. It has been called ineffective by a half of society. An average citizen is convinced that the police, prosecutors, and courts are equally responsible for this situation. The condition of courts with which a large portion of society have contacts is hardly helpful in the building of those institutions’ prestige: dilapidated buildings in desperate need of repair; old worn out furniture; small, underqualified and underpaid and thus frustrated office staff. Added to this should be excessive bureaucracy, obscure procedures, distant time limits, high court fees, excessive fees charged by barristers. The courts have already started regaining social trust but the process is bound to be a slow one. Practically each and every slip of the judicial authority, eagerly pointed out by the media, may well reverse the emerging favorable trend in the attitude of public opinion. Social attitudes towards the courts are incomplete and based largely on emotions which is what makes them unstable. The emerging trend can be consolidated by e.g. closer contacts of the judicial community with society, established chiefly through the media. Yet the new image of Polish courts depends first and foremost on the success of the process of building of state ruled by law.