The relation between elections and the economy in Latin America might be understood by considering the agency of candidates and the issue of policy preference congruence between investors and voters. The preference congruence model proposed in this article highlights political risk in emerging markets. Certain risk features increase the role of candidate campaign rhetoric and investor preferences in elections. When politicians propose policies that can appease voters and investors, elections may have a limited effect on economic indicators, such as inflation. But when voter and investor priorities differ significantly, deterioration of economic indicators is more likely. Moreover, voter and investor congruence is more likely before stabilization, when an inverted Philips curve exists, as opposed to following stabilization, when a more traditional Philips curve emerges.
Rev. Bras. polít. Int. 57 (special edition): 138-156 [2014] Since at least the beginning of the Great Recession there has been considerable scholarly attention given to South-South relations. Although the deepening relations between developing countries is, in many ways, a continuation of earlier moments, discussions, and projects (such as the Non-Aligned Movement), the rise of China, the resurgence of Russia, and the emergence of Brazil and India, and to a lesser extent Turkey, Indonesia, and other countries-many of which may be considered middle powers (Gilley and O'Neil forthcoming)-have led to much greater visibility for South-South relations (Alexandroff and Cooper 2010).South-South relations have often been framed by academics and policymakers in traditional realist terms which assume a zero-sum world and the centrality of the US, the actor with the greatest material capabilities. These premises suggest that better relations between China and Brazil (or India, Egypt, or Angola) mean less US influence in that country, region, and the world. Not only must the rise of China (or Brazil and others) signal a decline in US power but so do the deepening itself of South-South relations.1 The present essay suggests that this interpretation neither explains South-South relations nor the intentions of foreign policy actors in the global South. Focusing on the foreign policy formulation of China and Brazil-two important "new" actors in global governance and in African
Comic book heroes often have their origins innoirdepictions of failed or failing states. The danger involved and the seeming anarchy that necessitates superheroes recall Hobbes's description of a state of nature and Leviathan as resolution. But comic book heroes generally inhabit states that are better identified by the Hobbes-inspired Carl Schmitt. Indeed, this articles argues that while the Hell's Kitchen ofDaredevilcomics has some characteristics of a state of nature, it is better characterized by the protracted crisis of state that Schmitt sees in liberal democracies. Hobbes and Schmitt elucidate the crisis that generates the need for a superhero but fail to explain why the superhero does not simply take over the city. This is better explained by American concepts of heroism which emphasize redemption and walking away from power (Lawrence and Jewett 2002).
É recorrente o debate sobre governos de esquerda na América Latina. O presente artigo argumenta que a distinção entre alguns regimes de esquerda na referida região é sintomática e passível de crítica na literatura acadêmica. Nesse sentido, o autor resgata as tipologias de Juan Linz, Larry Diamond e Peter Smith e Melissa Ziegler, bem como apresenta uma tipologia alternativa. Conforme essa tipologia, os governos de esquerda do Brasil, Chile e Venezuela podem ser caracterizados, respectivamente, como uma democracia liberal consolidada, uma república ligeiramente "administrada" semi-consolidada e uma república excessivamente "administrada" semi-consolidada. A análise dos governos desses países ajuda-nos não somente a entender a lógica dos regimes de esquerda, mas, também, a distinção entre eles.
Good empirical social science has a clear sense of what it seeks to accomplish and what is beyond its scope. Gabriel Ondetti's Property Threats and the Politics of Anti-Statism, the Latin American Studies Association Economics and Politics Section book-prize winner of 2021, is exemplary in this regard. It argues that the specific political context in twentieth-century Latin Americaparticularly a relatively distant independence period and significant contemporary demands for radical change in a 'regional context exceptionally averse to such change' − led to 'many instances of equalizing reform that either fell short of revolution or were quickly rolled back, or both' (p. 252). These elements are fundamental in explaining differences in state taxation in Latin America, as Ondetti argues, but he also acknowledges the 'difficulty of applying this book's argument outside of Latin America' (p. 251). His final chapter shows that the argument applies to other cases in Latin America (Guatemala and Ecuador) but that it is not as successful in explaining taxation in other parts of the world. In recognising the desirability of generalisable causal accounts but balancing that against the strength of empirical evidence, Ondetti's approach runs counter to most high-profile work in comparative politics in that he deliberately restricts the geographic and temporal validity of his argument. The result is a more convincing argument and a stronger book.Building on previous research on land reform and tax policy, Ondetti argues that the very significant difference in taxation (revenue, type of taxes, level of taxes) in Latin American countries is due to the presence or absence of an earlier episode in which the property of wealthy elites was substantially threatened. Such threats helped organise collective action among otherwise diverse wealthy elites and supported immediate political responses as well as the creation of ongoing organisations which aimed at reducing the size of the state, thus preventing future redistributive efforts. Importantly, the activities of these groups, and the 'antistatism' they espoused, had long-term effects and explain why Mexico and Chile have much lower tax revenue as a percentage of GDP than Argentina and Brazil. The book's primary case studies examine the reaction to threats to private property
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