Sorting nexins are a large family of proteins that contain the phosphoinositide-binding Phox homology (PX) domain. A number of sorting nexins are known to bind to PtdIns(3)P, which mediates their localization to membranes of the endocytic pathway. We show here that sorting nexin 5 (SNX5) can be recruited to two distinct membrane compartments. In non-stimulated cells, the PX domain was independently targeted to endosomal structures and colocalized with full-length SNX5. The membrane binding of the PX domain was inhibited by the PI 3-kinase inhibitor, wortmannin. Although SNX5 colocalized with a fluid-phase marker and was found predominantly within a PtdIns(3)P-rich endosomal domain, very little colocalization was observed between SNX5 and the PtdIns(3)P-binding protein, EEA1. Using liposome-based binding assays, we have shown that the PX domain of SNX5 interacts not only with PtdIns(3)P but also with PtdIns(3,4)P2. In response to EGF stimulation, either the SNX5-PX domain or full-length SNX5 was rapidly recruited to the plasma membrane. The localization of SNX1, which does not bind PtdIns(3,4)P2, was unaffected by EGF signalling. Therefore, SNX5 is localized to a subdomain of the early endosome distinct from EEA1 and, following EGF stimulation and elevation of PtdIns(3,4)P2, is also transiently recruited to the plasma membrane. These results indicate that SNX5 may have functions not only associated with endosomal sorting but also with the phosphoinositide-signalling pathway.
A n n a L i n d b e r g Summary: The main concern of this paper is the issue of women workers' identity and class consciousness. This investigation is principally based on in-depth interviews with three generations of female factory workers. Extremely unequal power relations between capital and labour is insuf®cient to explain the more pronounced exploitation of female workers over males. In spite of these women having the potential for collective power, their factory lives have been characterized by treatment in constant violation of labour laws. Low-caste female workers have gone through a process of effeminization which has acted to curb their class identity and limit their scope of action. In the process of caste and class emancipation, the question of gender has been neglected by trade union leaders and politicians. The radicalism of males is built upon women's maintaining of the families ± a reality which strongly contradicts hegemonic gender discourses and confuses gender identities.
This study adopts a testimonial approach to bullying victimisation, and aims to create a deeper understanding of the experiences and effects of being a bullying target. Four written narratives about being subjected to school bullying were analysed according to interpretative phenomenological analysis. From the analysis, four themes were constructed, which represented different elements of victimhood: (1) Self-blame in which victims view themselves as the cause of the bullying, (2) Abandonment in which victims describe feelings of standing alone in their exposed situation, (3) Turning points in which the victims recount a variety of restorative events, and (4) Continued victimhood in which the victims relate how the feeling of victimhood and vulnerability continues even though the bullying has ended. In conclusion, school bullying is something that continues to affect the individual adversely long after it has stopped, although stable friendship relations might have a mitigating influence. Through such relations, victimhood can be neutralised and a more positive self-image develop. Moreover, as numerous other kinds of victims emphasise, an essential part of the rehabilitation process is to finally be able to tell one's story, to lay bare one's difficult knowledge to a wider audience.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Syftet med denna studie är att analysera asylbyråkratins tidssyn, tidsanvändning och tidsstyrning samt peka på konsekvenserna av detta för skyddssökande familjer och rätten till asyl: Hur används tid och vilka perspektiv på tid tonar fram i asylprövningen på Migrationsverket, den myndighet som genomför svensk asylpolitik? Hur fördelas makten över tiden, mellan myndigheter och domstolar som fattar beslut i asylärenden, å ena sidan, och de skyddssökande familjerna vars framtid står på spel, å den andra? Vilka rättigheter följer med tiden? Vilken betydelse får tiden som barnen och deras föräldrar fått vänta för utfallet i ärendena? Hur samspelar tidsanvändningen och dess konsekvenser med barns rättigheter, nu när FN:s barnkonvention blivit svensk lag?
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