Context: Dipeptidyl-peptidase-IV (DPP-4) inhibition increases endogenous GLP-1 activity resulting in improved glycemic control in patients with type 2 diabetes mellitus. The metabolic response may be explained in part by extra-pancreatic mechanisms.
Objective: We tested the hypothesis that DPP-4 inhibition with vildagliptin elicits changes in adipose tissue and skeletal muscle metabolism.
Design: Randomized, double blind, crossover study.
Setting: Academic clinical research center.
Patients: Twenty patients with type 2 diabetes, body mass index between 28 and 40 kg/m2.
Intervention: Seven days treatment with the selective DPP-4 inhibitor vildagliptin or placebo. Standardized test meal on day seven.
Main Outcome Measures: Venous DPP-4 activity, catecholamines, free fatty acids, glycerol, glucose, (pro)insulin; dialysate glucose, lactate, pyruvate, glycerol.
Results: Fasting and postprandial venous insulin, glucose, glycerol, triglycerides and free fatty acid concentrations were not different with vildagliptin and with placebo. Vildagliptin augmented the postprandial increase in plasma norepinephrine. Furthermore, vildagliptine increased dialysate glycerol and lactate concentrations in adipose tissue while suppressing dialysate lactate and pyruvate concentration in skeletal muscle. The respiratory quotient increased with meal ingestion but was consistently lower with vildagliptin.
Conclusions: Our study is the first to suggest that DPP-4 inhibition augments postprandial lipid mobilization and oxidation. The response may be explained by sympathetic activation rather than a direct effect on metabolic status.
Intractable political conflicts are characterized by a sociopsychological infrastructure (Bar-Tal, 2007) in which individuals are subject to a cognitive and emotional repertoire that legitimizes the use of violence. This study examined the prevalence and correlates of delegitimization, one psychological component theorized as central to the maintenance and reproduction of intractable conflict. Jewish Israeli adolescents completed a survey assessing delegitimization (a process by which members of the outgroup are morally derogated and considered of less existential value than ingroup members), demographic variables, political violence exposure and participation, and attitudes toward policies related to conflict resolution with the Palestinians. Higher levels of delegitimization were associated with being male and with higher reported levels of religiosity, political violence participation, and endorsement of non-compromising attitudes associated with conflict resolution. Analyses supported a conceptual model of delegitimization as a mediator of the relation among a number of demographic predictors and both political violence participation and attitudes toward conflict resolution policies. Implications for conceptual models of delegitimization as a key component of the sociopsychological infrastructure of conflict are discussed.
In this paper we propose that reading and writing with novels contributes to the emerging field of researching affect in organization studies. Situating our argument in current research on work-related uncertainty, we take John Fante’s novel Wait Until Spring, Bandini as a ‘sensuous site’ of research to engage with the experience of feeling stuck – addressed as impasse, limbo or permanent temporariness – as a condition of contemporary work lives. While affect theoretical approaches often emphasize precognitive intensities and their transformative potential, the novel foregrounds how affective intensities stay and stick as they are entangled with powerful socio-political conventions, such as investments in the American Dream or the idea of stable employment. Such affective attachments take shape in antithetic dynamics of the not-so-static state of feeling stuck.
This article reconceptualises work-based solidarity as political action that is distinct from, yet interlinked with, a socio-economic mode of activity. To extend existing relational approaches to work, this article reads a case study of a cultural initiative through Hannah Arendt’s notions of labour, work and (political) action. With the latter being a form of engagement marked by plurality – the co-presence of equality and difference – the analysis shows how work-based solidarity as political activity is a temporary and precarious phenomenon. It necessitates constant engagement of various material and discursive elements to create its conditions. This article also shows how work-based solidarity is enabled through particular arrangements of activities stretching over both the socio-economic and the political sphere in a way that maintains the political mode of work distinct from socio-economic reasoning without ignoring its economic necessities.
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