Despite increasing interest and effort to support women's empowerment globally, women remain a severely disadvantaged group in nearly every country throughout the globe. In the current study, we examine the relationship between women's participation in financial markets and different indices of empowerment. Questionnaires were administered to three groups of Maasai women (N = 224) living in rural, northern Tanzania: women who were members of cooperatively owned business groups, women who owned businesses independently via microcredit loans, and women who did not own businesses. Group difference tests revealed that cooperative business owners reported higher levels of agency than independent owners, and lower levels of partner control and greater involvement in financial decision making than nonbusiness owners. Independent owners reported greater involvement in financial decision making, and lower levels of agency than nonowners. Additionally, results from structural equation models demonstrated that participation in cooperatives, versus independent or nonbusiness ownership, was associated with fewer experiences of domestic violence and enhanced psychological well-being via the effects of partner control, agency, and financial decision making. Policy implications regarding the importance of considering
In response to a rise of dictatorships, the exacerbation of inequality, and violations of human rights in many Latin American countries, individuals have joined together through the formation of social movements to enact powerful, revolutionary changes in the area of human rights. The Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres (Autonomous Women’s Movement) in Nicaragua, specifically, was birthed out of the Sandinista Revolution when many women joined a massive national uprising during the 1970s in an effort to overthrow a dictatorship. The current study uses thematic narrative analysis to examine the oral histories of 13 key leaders within the Movimiento to understand how women’s interactions with counter narratives have played a significant role in creating a more expansive and inclusive notion of human rights, and have fueled a pointed commitment to the use of human rights discourse in a strategic political agenda aimed at improving women’s lived experience. The findings suggest that the leaders of the Movimiento deepened their understanding of human rights beyond traditional discourse through varied understandings of the consequences of inequality and, through an evolving process of awareness and action, developed a duty to challenge the dominant narratives that limited whose rights were realized. Moreover, our analysis connects the use of counter narratives that employ human rights discourse to current legislation and policy in Nicaragua that enhances the realization of women’s human rights.
Although it is well-documented that globalization has exacerbated structural factors that contribute to rising levels of gender inequality, social actors from diverse local contexts demonstrate that women are not mere victims, but rather have worked actively to resist oppression and promote women's well-being worldwide. Self-mobilized groups of women throughout the world are engaging in complex processes of renegotiating structural and relational injustices that transform women's well-being. The current article focuses on how two groups of women-one in Nicaragua and one in Tanzania-use land rights to reconfigure gendered power relations that have been exacerbated during realignments of global power. We examine how conscientization, or a critical consciousness surrounding experiences of gender discrimination, motivated resistance, collective mobilization, and social change. The analysis provides evidence for theories of struggle and everyday resistance that represent how community contexts enable and support women's struggle for justice in an increasingly globalized world.
We examined refugees’ perceptions of their experiences living in greater Cincinnati, Ohio, USA and linked these findings to colonial context, coloniality theory, and decolonial psychology. We describe the process of developing a community based participatory research process with members of local refugee communities, and then discuss the findings of a survey completed by 280 local refugees that was collaboratively designed and administered. Noting historic and continuing disenfranchisement of the Black community in Cincinnati, in our survey analyses we compared the experiences of African refugees (Burundian, Congolese, and Somali) to the experiences of Bhutanese, Latinx, and Middle Eastern refugees residing in greater Cincinnati on several aspects of civic life. Analyses indicate that refugees from African countries reported more negative outcomes than other refugees residing in this area. Further, refugees residing in neighborhoods with a higher percentage of Black residents reported less satisfaction, likely due to neighborhood disinvestment. We discuss the costs and benefits of these findings and interpretation in the context of decolonial theory. Specifically, we connect racist colonial history to differences in treatment of refugees based on their physical appearance (i.e., Blackness) to the continued disenfranchisement of African Americans.
According to the United Nations, there are approximately 22.5 million refugees in the world and this number is expected to grow due to war and environmental catastrophe. Additionally, contemporary U.S. society is marked by neoliberal ideology, increasingly coupled with nationalist discourses and policies. Noting the current U.S. sociopolitical context, there is great incentive to study how internalization of neoliberal ideology relates to engagement in efforts to support the rights of refugees. In the current study, we examine the relationships between internalized neoliberal ideology, moral exclusion of people seeking asylum from Central America, levels of ethnocentrism, and willingness to engage in efforts to support the human rights of asylum seekers. Participants (N = 270) were recruited through Prolific Academic and responses were analyzed using structural equation modeling. Findings illustrate a strong connection between endorsement of neoliberal ideology and the moral exclusion of Central American asylum seekers, as well as lower levels of willingness to engage in efforts to support the rights of asylum seekers and higher levels of ethnocentrism. Policy implications are discussed.
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