ResúmenUsando material etnográfico coletado durante minha pesquisa entre imigrantes brasileiros em Lisboa, exploro nesse artigo como a migração internacional se tornou uma das alternativas usadas por pessoas jovens da classe média para manter sua posição de classe. Analizo o papel da crise brasileira das décadas de 80 e 90 na decisão que muitos tomaram de migrar e afirmo que além da situação de privação econômica relativa, muitos brasileiros da classe média se sentiam alienados do seu país uma vez que a promessa do processo de modernidade nunca foi cumprida. Muitos acreditavam que não tinham nada a perder ao sair do seu país.

Visual anthropologists are aware that we can effectively use cameras (photo or video) as methodological devices. We can document events, create relationships, and present our findings in visual format. But few of us have discussed the conceptual capacity of the images we create in ethnographic research. Taking MacDougall's argument that images produce a different kind of knowledge, I use the example of a film I made about a Brazilian immigrant in Lisbon to explore how the process of filming has helped me to conceptualize some of my ethnography. I contend that the double potential of images (as indexes and icons) can result in a specific mode of analytical approach. In the case I highlight here, filming Eugenia's first visit back home has made us both realize the transformative nature of this event to her perception and practice of homemaking.

In the late twentieth century, international migration became one of the strategies a number of Brazilians deployed to create and maintain a middle-class lifestyle. Many went to Portugal to seize the new opportunities offered by an expanding Portuguese economy and a skilled job market. As qualified Brazilians arrived with the required skills to fill these jobs and as they achieved a lifestyle that could be equated to a middle-class position in economic terms, they discovered more subjective barriers to their acceptance within general middle-class Portuguese society. In this article, I examine the role of friendship in people's efforts to integrate their middleclass migratory projects with their position in Brazil and Lisbon. I argue that making friends with the Portuguese was an important step for such a project while it required Brazilians to conform to Portuguese manners that contradicted the way they perceived themselves.

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The idea of Latin America as an unified geopolitical entity has been called into question (Mignolo 2005), exposing claims for a specific aesthetics and epistemological modality as romantic fetishism in face of the diverse histories of economic, political, social and population developments (Canclini 1995). How can we then justify a special issue in visual anthropology with a focus on the region? What would it show us beyond a sampling of audiovisual anthropological work produced in and about Latin America? Given the dynamic exchange of technical and intellectual expertise between Latin American visual anthropologists and their counterparts across the globe, how could this regional focus contribute to broader discussions in the discipline? These were the questions we asked ourselves when we were invited to organise a panel on the trends of ethnographic filmmaking in Latin America for the 15 th Royal Anthropological Institute Film Festival that took place in Bristol, UK, from 29 March to 1 April 2017. We started from the very broad agenda of examining the intersection between local anthropological work and visualimage production in the region. We ended up, however, with a common denominator, which although it does not encompass all the trends of visual anthropology work in Latin America and is certainly not a prerogative of visual anthropology studies in the region, proved itself to be a constant element that extends beyond the scope of the panel and of this special issue. Visual anthropology from a Latin American perspective is eminently concerned with the political; and it is so because it has been highly influenced not only by certain transnational conversations but, more critically, by local movements of social and political change and resistance. 2 Visual Anthropology has grown exponentially in the last three decades in Latin America with the development of different research and teaching centres within academic institutions in countries, including Brazil, Mexico, Peru, Chile, Ecuador, Colombia and Argentina, expanding to include experimental work made with a wide range of visual media. Our interest here, however, is not to map the teaching and production of visual anthropology in Latin American academic institutions. Rather, our focus is on how visual Visual Anthropology From Latin America: An Introduction Anthrovision, 6.2 | 2018 2. The 5 pages document and its signatories written at the Symposium on Non-Andine South America Interethnic Friction can be consulted at http://www.servindi.org/pdf/ Dec_Barbados_1.pdf 3. Cardús (2014) offers an excelente review of the production of indigenous media projects in Latin America. 4. see Dietrich and Ulfe this issue paragraph 2, 6, 8 5. see Zirión this issue paragraph 47 6. see Flores this issue paragrah 11

By the late 1990s, when I was conducting ethnographic fieldwork research in Lisbon, the ‘dentists’ case’ had become a familiar trope for the presence of Brazilian immigrants in Portugal. Although it involved a small group of Brazilian and Portuguese professionals, it gained visibility in the media of both countries, escalating into a political and diplomatic quarrel, and culminating in the amendment of the 1966 Cultural Accord. I use Victor Turner’s concept of social drama to address the case as a chapter in the cyclical pattern of connection and disconnection of postcolonial Luso-Brazilian relationships. Drawing from a recent discussion on the concept of cosmopolitanism in migration studies, I employ the idea of postcolonial sociabilities to help explore the seemingly inherent ambiguities in the relationship between Brazilians and Portuguese.

Consumption Intensified: The Politics of Middle‐Class Daily Life in Brazil. Maureen O'Dougherty. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2002. ix. 262 pp., maps, graphs, photographs, figures, notes, bibliography, index.

A migração de brasileiros para a Inglaterra, em especial para Londres, não é um fenômeno isolado. Ele faz parte de um movimento de procura pelo exterior que vem ocorrendo com maior intensidade desde o final dos anos 80. Brasileiros jovens, pertencentes ao extrato médio da sociedade de origem e, geralmente, com alguma formação escolar especializada, saem de seu país em busca de algo que acreditam não poder alcançar ai. Em sua maioriavãoparaosEstadosUnidos, Europa e Japão1. A novidade deste fluxo migratório levanta diversas questões. Desde sua inserção no que vem sendo definido como o deslocamento global de força de trabalho de países mais pobres para os mais ricos, aos motivos que levam os brasileiros a saírem, neste dado momento de sua história, de um país tradicionalmente receptor de imigrantes e aos problemas de categorização desses migrantes como permanentes ou temporários. Dequalquerforma há um consenso geral, partilhado tanto pelo senso comum como por estudiosos da vida social, de que se trata de um movimento recente que merece nosso interesse: muitos de nós somos afetados direta ou indiretamente pelo deslocamento de nossos compatriotas2. A preocupação deste artigo. [...]