We investigated whether strengths of the relationships between anti-lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) victimization, fear of violence at school, and suicide risk differ by sexual orientation among a predominantly ethnic minority sample of adolescents. Using the 2012 District of Columbia Youth Risk Behavior Survey high school data set, we performed a 4-stage, stepwise logistic regression for suicide attempts, suicidal ideation, and suicide planning. First, we tested the independent variables, sexual orientation and anti-LGBT victimization. Second, we added an anti-LGBT victimization by sexual orientation interaction term. Third, we tested the independent variable, fear of violence at school, in an additive model. Fourth, we added a fear of violence at school by sexual orientation interaction term. In Model 1, sexual orientation and anti-LGBT victimization were both significantly associated with each suicide risk behavior. In Model 2, the anti-LGBT victimization by sexual orientation interaction term was not significant for any of the dependent variables. In Model 3, fear of violence at school was significantly associated with each suicide risk behavior. In Model 4, the fear of violence at school by sexual orientation interaction term was not significant for suicide attempts or suicidal ideation but was significant for suicide planning in the direction opposite to our hypotheses. Anti-LGBT victimization, sexual orientation, and fear of violence at school were associated with suicidal ideation, suicide planning, and suicide attempts. The strength of the association between fear of violence at school and suicide planning was weaker for sexual minority adolescents than for heterosexual adolescents.

This article updates previous content analyses that identified a relative paucity of U.S.-based psychological research on lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people of color by extending the period covered to 2018. In addition to documenting how many such studies occurred and when, it considers the research questions asked, funding sources, impact, and journal outlets. This richer description of this research area allowed us to describe historically not only when LGBT people of color in the United States were studied but why they were studied, which journals published this work, and which published studies were most influential. We found that the literature starts in 1988 for LGB people of color and in 2009 for transgender people of color and that a significant shift occurred in 2009, with the majority of the articles being published in the last 10 years. Findings suggest that U.S. federal funding and support for LGBT research as well as divisions of the American Psychological Association focused on minoritized identities and their journals played a role in the recent increase. Half of the studies investigated psychological symptoms, and more than a third of studied experiences and psychological processes related to holding multiple minority statuses, many of which focused on potentially deleterious aspects of these identities. These findings indicate that this literature has a significant focus on pathology. Underrepresented groups included cisgender and transgender women; transgender men; older individuals; Asian Americans, Native Hawaiians, and Pacific Islanders; American Indians and Alaska Natives; and multiracial individuals. Public Significance StatementWe found that the body of research with lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender people of color in the United States has grown substantially in the past 10 years and that this increase is related to shifts in U.S. research funding and the journals of divisions of the American Psychological Association focused on marginalized groups.

We examined motivations for migration to the United States (US) among 482 Brazilian, Colombian, and Dominican men who have sex with men (MSM). Participants' most common reason for migration was to improve their financial situation (49%), followed by sexual migration in order to affirm their sexual orientation (40%). Fewer endorsed sexual migration motivated by avoiding persecution due to being gay (13%). We conducted further analyses among 276 participants who migrated after age 15 and were HIV-negative at the time of migration. We hypothesized that sexual migration would be associated with greater likelihood of HIV acquisition post-migration. Hierarchical logistic regression analysis indicated that sexual migration motivated by avoiding persecution due to being gay was associated with increased odds of contracting HIV after arrival in the US whereas sexual migration to lead a gay life was not. Our findings highlight the importance of addressing the negative impact of anti-gay discrimination in countries of origin.

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Whether widespread use of HAART changed patterns of HIV status disclosure among women living with HIV is largely unknown. In addition, the association between time to first HIV disclosure and depression has not been fully explored among women. A retrospective cross-sectional survey was conducted among HIV-infected women from the Washington, DC site of the Women’s Interagency HIV Study to collect detailed information about their HIV status disclosure behavior. A sample of 202 HIV-positive women, 102 diagnosed prior to and 100 post-HAART era participated in this study. Relationships between treatment era when diagnosed (pre-HAART or HAART era) and patterns of HIV status disclosure, and associations between HIV status disclosure and depression level were examined using generalized linear regression models with generalized estimating equation to adjust for repeated measurements from the same individuals. Our analyses showed that treatment era was not associated with either comfort level of HIV status disclosure or time to first HIV disclosure to either family members or friends. However, women were less likely to disclose HIV status to their family members in the HAART era (P = 0.006) after adjusting for social network type, comfort level of disclosure, time to first disclosure and length of follow-up time. In addition, longer time to first HIV disclosure, but not comfort level or extent of HIV status disclosure, was independently associated with depression levels as measured by CES-D score at study enrollment (“a few months after” vs “within a few days”: P = 0.008). More definitive studies utilizing longitudinal designs should be conducted to further examine impact of HAART era on HIV status disclosure and effect of HIV status disclosure on mental health.

Colombia endured 70 years of internal conflict, but despite a peace agreement, violence continues to be significant in the post-conflict era. Violence degrades the health and well-being of affected populations and it engenders psychological distress. Little is known about the impact of violence on the mental health of sexual and gender minority populations in Colombia. This study aimed to examine the frequency and sources of violence among cisgender men who have sex with men (MSM) and transgender women and their association with depressive symptoms and substance use. We administered a survey to 942 MSM and 58 transgender women recruited using respondent-driven sampling. We estimated the relationship between mental health indicators and experiences of violence using stepwise logistic and linear regressions, controlling for income, education, age, race, and mistreatment for being effeminate when younger. Respondent-driven sampling adjusted prevalence of any type of violence was 60.9% for the total sample, 59.8% for MSM, and 75.1% for transgender women. Experiences of violence were significantly related to depressive symptoms, binge drinking and drug use for the MSM sample. Violence perpetrated by family members or acquaintances was associated with greater depressive symptoms, and violence perpetrated by partners and strangers was associated with increased binge drinking and drug use. These results provide significant evidence of the negative association of experiences of violence and the mental health of sexual and gender minority people, a vulnerable population in Colombia. This study addresses issues of diversity regarding sexual orientation and gender identity in a Latin American middle-income country.

Why did I come to Bogotá? Because in my town everyone discriminated against me. I would go into a store, and it was like they were seeing the devil, seeing Satan in person. People looked at me in a way that made me feel really bad. I felt worse than garbage. People at least pick up garbage, pick up garbage and lift it up, tie it, pick it up, and take it out. No, to me, they didn't even do that. . . . I had to run away and run, run, for my own protection. . . . Men threw rocks at me and then raped me. On one occasion they cracked my head open. Someone threw a big stone at me and yelled, "Fag, son of a bitch." I arrived in town all bloody, with my back full of blood. Here in Bogotá, I am filled with a lot of energy. There are a lot of gays here; there is less discrimination here. Here everyone minds his own business. And what one learns from that is that one has to learn to live one's own life. Nobody cares about you. In a town everyone cares about their neighbor . . . while here, no. Everyone is on his own. (Zea et al., 2013, p. 797) J osé's narrative (pseudonym used to protect his identity) is an example of the discrimination and other forms of oppression that lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people face in Colombia at the institutional and individual levels. The experiences of LGBT individuals living in small towns or rural places are different from those living in metropolitan áreas, as described by José. Although Colombia is one of the leading countries in Latin America promoting equality, rights, and constitutional protections for LGBT

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