Privatization in higher education is usually understood either as the surge of private institutions or as universities' growing reliance on private sources of funding or otherwise operating more like firms. Joining the growing literature on university entrepreneurship, this is a case study on the less examined problem of entrepreneurial universities in developing countries. In a period of roughly 15 years, the Pontificia Universidad Cato´lica of Chile, founded in 1888, turned itself from a mostly teaching institution to a research-oriented university, responsible for one-fourth of the Chile's mainstream scientific output and 40% of all Ph.D.s awarded nationally. Yet, public funding represents today only 17% of its revenues, down from almost 90% in 1972. How such academic development could have occurred as the State withdrew and the market took hold of Chilean higher education after the reforms introduced by the military rule of Augusto Pinochet (1973)(1974)(1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979)(1980)(1981)(1982)(1983)(1984)(1985)(1986)(1987)(1988)(1989)(1990) is the theme of this work. Universidad Cato´lica's policies and strategies are described, and the factors contributing to its success, together with their limitations, identified. The case suggests that orientation to the market can be more a means for survival and growth under the pressure of privatization, than a result of a 'Triple Helix' strategy of universities, government and industry to generate innovation out of academic knowledge. Secondly, while in the industrialized world, higher education entrepreneurship is associated with knowledge production for economic development ('Mode 2'), entrepreneurial universities in the context of developing countries may just be finding their way to the academic, disciplinary mode of research.

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This article introduces a special issue of EPAA/AAPE devoted to recent higher education reforms in Latin America. The last two decades have seen much policy development in higher education in the region, examined and discussed by scholars in each country, but dialog with the international literature on higher education reform, or an explicit comparative focus, have been mostly absent from these works. By way of presentation of the papers included in this issue, we first provide an overview of major policy changes in higher education in the Latin American region since the 1990s. We then turn to the six works in this special issue to describe the theories and methods supporting

Este 2008 se cumplen 40 años de varios hitos significativos en la historia de la universidad. Masivas protestas de estudiantes en París, Varsovia, Madrid, Nueva York, Berkeley y Buenos Aires, entre otros centros académicos, redefinieron el rol de los estudiantes en el gobierno universitario y señalaron la irrupción en la vida política de una nueva generación. La matanza de Tlatelolco, en ciudad de México, expresó de manera trágica la incapacidad de los gobiernos para reaccionar ante las demandas de este nuevo actor político por medios distintos a la represión. Nuestra propia reforma universitaria trajo a los claustros de las universidades chilenas las banderas de cambio agitadas por primera vez en Córdoba medio siglo antes. No en vano la prensa internacional ha recordado 1968 como el año que definió quiénes somos: los jóvenes universitarios de entonces dirigen nuestras sociedades hoy.

The expansion of private sectors of higher education has usually been regarded as a factor of diversification in higher education systems. Some of this differentiation has been found to arise from the affiliation of private institutions with organizations outside the field of higher education. This article reports the results of a study of this form of interorganizational relationship in private universities in Chile. Cases include universities founded or sponsored by religious, business and military organizations. A typology of private universities is proposed, on the basis of the forms affiliation (or its absence), was observed to take in the cases examined. Weak and strong forms of affiliation are described, and affiliated universities are compared to ''proprietary'' universities, i.e., those owned by individuals who govern them from their positions in the board of directors, and ''independent'' universities, in which governance lies with internal -academic or administrative -constituents. Albeit derived from the case of Chile, the typology could be applied to the analysis of private higher education in other national systems. The second part of the article seeks to ascertain whether affiliation operates as a source of differentiation in Chilean private higher education. Results show that, compared to the other types of private universities, the affiliated ones possess distinctive mission statements and declarations of principles, consistent with the orientations of their sponsor institutions, they tend to be smaller, and to have more full-time and better qualified faculty. Some receive financial support from their sponsor organization or its members. Distinctiveness was not found in indicators of prestige and student selectivity, nor in tuition levels, program offerings, curriculum design, the weight of research and graduate programs in their functions, student socioeconomic profile, and faculty involvement in governance. This is not to say that there are no differences in these dimensions among private universities: much diversity exists, but most of it cuts across all categories of interest for our study. Overall, affiliation does not appear to be a strong factor behind the diversification that exists in the Chilean private university sector.

En el presente artículo se destacan las dificultades que presenta la tarea de clasificar universidades, tomando como ilustración la tipología de universidades chilenas propuesta en la obra “Guiar el Mercado: Informe sobre la Educación Superior en Chile”, publicada en 2005 por José Joaquín Brunner, Gregory Elacqua, Anthony Tillett y colaboradores. Se subrayan los problemas de consistencia observados en la clasificación presentada, derivados del uso de la selectividad en el ingreso de estudiantes de pregrado como criterio principal de clasificación. Para contraste, se describe y comenta la evolución de la clasificación Carnegie de instituciones de educación superior en EE.UU. Volviendo a Chile, se propone usar como criterio principal de clasificación el de las funciones que cumplen las universidades, medidas por sus productos o resultados.

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demic ranks in their early career years-similar to the "hemorrhaging" attrition among new public school teachers and nurses.Perhaps the greatest crisis is a sea change in the nature of academic employment contracts. Traditionally, most academics were full-time on the "tenure track." They were hired fresh out of graduate school with a PhD as an assistant professor, and if they demonstrated adequate, and usually exemplary, performance they would be promoted to a tenured position with the expectation, with ongoing good performance, of a lifetime job. Academics earned somewhat lower salaries in order to have the security of tenure, which protects academic freedom. A reasonably robust job market assured most young scholars and scientists of a full-time tenure track appointment after completing the long grind of doctoral study. The profession attracted young people interested in "the life of the mind" to teaching and in many cases to research as well.