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This article presents a “Call to Action” Social Equity Manifesto developed at the Minnowbrook at 50 conference. The Social Equity Manifesto identifies several critical areas of emphasis that can help move toward the achievement of social equity in the research, teaching, and practice of public administration. Regarding research, we discuss the presence of social equity manuscripts in PAR, JPART, and ATP. Interestingly, the coverage of class inequality is low across all three journals. However, a clear research strength is the plurality of methodological and theoretical approaches. In terms of teaching, all of the NASPAA social equity award winning public affairs programs in the United States offer multiple courses that provide intentional coverage of social equity. With respect to practice in the United States, inequities exist across multiple policy areas. Programs and policies ranging from nondiscrimination to diversity management are discussed. In essence, exposing students to social equity perspectives within the context of public administration curricula can make PA graduates more responsive to the needs of all people.

A bureaucracy that is representative of the public it serves-passive representation-can result in both active representation and symbolic representation. Symbolic representation occurs when passive representation improves perceptions of legitimacy and enhances bureaucratic outcomes because the public is more cooperative and more likely to engage in coproduction. We present a new micro-theory of symbolic representation to show that symbolic benefits of passive representation depend on some level of positive treatment by bureaucrats. We then illustrate the utility of this theory with qualitative interviews from two cities with large populations of people of color and high proportions of police officers of color. The results suggest that increasing the demographic representativeness of the bureaucracy may be a necessary, but not a sufficient, condition for improving the relationship between the public and the bureaucracy. Practitioner Points• Personal, familial, or vicarious encounters with the police influence the public's perceptions of police officers.• The public recognizes the need for increased racial representation in policing; however, officers' attitudes and actions toward the public are more salient for shaping the public's perceptions of police. • Without benign treatment by bureaucrats, symbolic representation can be stymied and even result in no benefits or potentially negative effects for the public.

The public sector prides itself on being a place where women and other marginalized groups can find shelter from workplace discrimination. Still, gender inequities are evident in the public sector workforce. In this article, interview data from city managers and police officers highlight the gendered internal organizational processes, arrangements, and interactions that impact women's experiences in male-dominated roles. Despite seemingly equal opportunities to access and engagement in these bureaucratic roles, the findings suggest that women constantly face gendered barriers and boundaries that directly impact their experiences on the job and their work-related outcomes. Legislative and administrative remedies are not sufficient to eliminate gendered experiences of women in maledominated roles. Rather, a cultural change from within the workplace is vital to realize the efforts of civil rights laws established more than 50 years ago. Evidence for Practice • Women in male-dominated roles in the public sector face covert barriers that have implications for their daily work experiences and subsequent job-related outcomes. • Gender inequities can be rooted and reproduced in organizational structures, processes, and the design of work. Thus, organizational commitment to conduct an internal inventory of places where inequities are reproduced is essential. • Gender analysis skills are an integral part of preparing the current and future public administration workforce to identify differential experiences and outcomes for women in public service.

Representative bureaucracy research has examined the influence of race and ethnicity on policing outcomes, yet little is known about police use of force specifically at the individual-level. To address this topic more meticulously, we utilize individual-level data (from Indianapolis and Dallas police departments) to explore differences in the amount of force used by officers in ethnic, racial, and gender matches in police–civilian dyads. Findings suggest that there are heightened levels of force used when there is racial and gender incongruenc between the officer and the civilian, particularly White officers interacting with Black civilians. We discuss how this finding may impact police departments moving forward.

The research in representative bureaucracy that examines the extent to which racial congruence impacts bureaucrats' decisions is mixed. This study adds to this literature by examining the impact of representative bureaucracy on the level of force that police officers use and whether they make an arrest in use of force encounters, while taking into consideration key situational conditions. Using individual-level data from New Orleans to estimate this impact, the authors find that racial congruence and incongruence impact policing outcomes even in the presence of situational shortcuts that cue decision-making. The findings show that the benefits of representation are conditional on the outcome. Black officers are less likely to use higher levels of force on Black civilians. Yet both Black and White officers are less likely to arrest White civilians in use of force encounters. This suggests that interactions in which bureaucrats have less discretion (e.g., arrests) may offer limited opportunities for active representation. Evidence for Practice • Black officers, compared with White officers, are less likely to use severe force against Black civilians. • White and Black officers are less likely to arrest White civilians in use of force encounters. • All officers may benefit from understanding how and when racial shortcuts cue their decision-making processes.

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Recent incidents between police and people of color have further strained police–community relationships. Scholars, practitioners, activists, policy makers, and several police departments have advocated for the implementation of body-worn cameras (BWC), a technological adoption promoted to address growing mistrust in the United States. This article examines perception of this technological adoption through 40 in-depth interviews in Washington, D.C. Furthermore, this article uses the context of police BWC to explore how the integration of technological advancements impacts the relationships between communities and local governments—namely police departments. The evidence suggests that residents believe BWC should improve officer behavior and increase police legitimacy, but cameras will not increase trust between police and the community. Based on the findings, this research identifies the limitations of BWC technology and assesses potential collaborative strategies available for police organizations related to the adoption and use of BWC.