Background. After 2 decades of focused efforts to eradicate polio, the impact of eradication activities on health systems continues to be controversial. This study evaluated the impact of polio eradication activities on routine immunization (RI) and primary healthcare (PHC).Methods. Quantitative analysis assessed the effects of polio eradication campaigns on RI and maternal healthcare coverage. A systematic qualitative analysis in 7 countries in South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa assessed impacts of polio eradication activities on key health system functions, using data from interviews, participant observation, and document review.Results. Our quantitative analysis did not find compelling evidence of widespread and significant effects of polio eradication campaigns, either positive or negative, on measures of RI and maternal healthcare. Our qualitative analysis revealed context-specific positive impacts of polio eradication activities in many of our case studies, particularly disease surveillance and cold chain strengthening. These impacts were dependent on the initiative of policy makers. Negative impacts, including service interruption and public dissatisfaction, were observed primarily in districts with many campaigns per year.Conclusions. Polio eradication activities can provide support for RI and PHC, but many opportunities to do so remain missed. Increased commitment to scaling up best practices could lead to significant positive impacts.
One Health, as an international movement and as a research methodology, aspires to cross boundaries between disciplines. However, One Health has also been viewed as "reductionist" due to its overemphasize on physicians-veterinarians cooperation and surveillance capacity enhancement, while limiting the involvement with socio-political preconditioning factors that shape the impact of diseases, and the ethical questions that eventually structure interventions. The current article draws on a qualitative study of Brucellosis control in Israel, to address the benefits of broadening the One Health perspective to include ethical considerations and the socio-political aspects of health. Using in-depth-interviews, observations and document review, the article analyzes stakeholders' knowledge (policy makers, practitioners and livestock owners) to understand Brucellosis control interventions in the Negev region of Israel. The analysis highlights four different types of boundaries: geographical, professional, disciplinary and participatory. The variety of boundaries going beyond disciplinary ones, are often neglected by traditional One Health discourses, however they provide clearer understanding regarding the role of the Israel and Palestine relations; enforcement activities and trust creation; and mechanisms of decision-making and public participation, in Brucellosis interventions. A broad One Health analysis that addresses ethical concerns and socio-political environments, as well as human and veterinary medicine, encourages re-framing of causes and solutions when dealing particularly with Brucellosis in the Negev, but more generally with zoonotic diseases, low-trust settings and inequitable distribution of power. The inclusion of historical, political and bioethical considerations of Public Health in One Health creates opportunities to increase the relevance of One Health and expand its scope as a novel scientific paradigm.
Many of medical anthropology's most pressing research questions require an understanding how infections, money and ideas move around the globe. The Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) is a $9 billion project that has delivered 20 billion doses of oral polio vaccine in campaigns across the world. With its array of global activities, it cannot be comprehensively explored by the traditional anthropological method of research at one field site. This paper describes an ethnographic study of the GPEI, a collaborative effort between researchers at eight sites in seven countries. We developed a methodology grounded in nuanced understandings of local context but structured to allow analysis of global trends. Here, we examine polio vaccine acceptance and refusal to understand how global phenomena-in this case, policy decisions by donors and global health organizations to support vaccination campaigns rather than building health systems-shape local behavior. This article is protected by copyright. All rights reserved.
Background: During the summer of 2013, after samples of poliomyelitis virus were found in sewage, Israel launched an intensive national oral polio vaccine (OPV) campaign. The clinical objective of the campaign was rather clear. With not a single case of infantile paralysis and with a population already highly protected with IPV (a dead version of the vaccine), the goal was to foster collective immunity so that risk populations could also be protected. This, however, entailed a rather unusual issue: how to persuade parents whose children already received an IPV to revaccinate their children, now with a live yet attenuated version of the virus that was excluded from the national vaccination program in 2004. The challenge therefore was a call for social solidarity -asking parents to vaccinate their children mainly for the sake of protecting unknown at risk populations and to take part in the larger global goals of the polio eradication program. This challenge stands at the core of our investigation. We see the OPV campaign of summer 2013 as a good case study of the tension between individualism and social solidarity in seeking the cooperation of the public. Methods: We draw on a qualitative study that included participant observation, document reviews and interviews with policy-makers, parents, journalists, public health experts and community leaders. These data were analyzed in order to unravel the ways in which self-interest, community and solidarity were conceived by different agents during the vaccination campaign.
Many of medical anthropology's most pressing research questions require an understanding how infections, money, and ideas move around the globe. The Global Polio Eradication Initiative (GPEI) is a $9 billion project that has delivered 20 billion doses of oral polio vaccine in campaigns across the world. With its array of global activities, it cannot be comprehensively explored by the traditional anthropological method of research at one field site. This article describes an ethnographic study of the GPEI, a collaborative effort between researchers at eight sites in seven countries. We developed a methodology grounded in nuanced understandings of local context but structured to allow analysis of global trends. Here, we examine polio vaccine acceptance and refusal to understand how global phenomena-in this case, policy decisions by donors and global health organizations to support vaccination campaigns rather than building health systems-shape local behavior.
Background Over the last decades, health systems worldwide have faced a decline in public trust. For marginalized minority populations, who generally suffer from poverty and political exclusion, the roots of this trend go much deeper, establishing a state of bi-directional distrust between them and health institutions. Although studied to a lesser extent compared to trust, distrust does impede health initiatives, such as infectious diseases prevention programs, mostly of so-called Neglected Zoonotic Diseases (NZDs). Where distrust prevails, even trust building actions such as defining rights and obligations, prioritizing "the greater good" and increasing transparency, are prone to failure. In this study, we deepen the understanding of the concept of distrust through a unique case study of Brucellosis, a prevalent bacterial zoonotic disease endemic to disadvantaged Bedouin communities in southern Israel. Methods In the years 2015-2019, we qualitatively studied socio-political aspects in a governmental Brucellosis control campaign in southern Israel. We used in-depth interviews with 38 governmental and private health workers, agriculture and nature preservation workers, livestock owners and community leaders. Further, we conducted participant observation in 10 livestock pens and in policymaking meetings, and collected policy and media documents in order to triangulate the results. Results We conceptualize three different types of distrust between authorities and marginalized communities-"intention-based distrust", "values-based distrust" and "circular distrust"-to better explain how distrust originates and reinforces itself, reproducing the endemicity of NZDs. Based on that, we portray a practical framework to reduce distrust in health policies, by reframing local discourses, reshaping disease monitoring schemes from enforcementbased to participation-based, and promoting political inclusion of disadvantaged communities.
Background Women in low- and middle-income countries are at the highest risk of cervical cancer yet have limited access to and participation in cervical cancer screening programs. Integrating self-collected, community-based screening offers a potential primary screening method in areas of limited resources. In this paper, we present a study evaluating knowledge, attitudes, and practices of cervical cancer and Human Papilloma Virus (HPV) in rural Zimbabwe. Methods We performed a community-based cross-sectional knowledge, attitudes and practices of HPV and cervical cancer study in rural Zimbabwe from January 2017–May 2017. Women were selected for the study via random number generation from complete lists of inhabitants in the study area if they satisfied the inclusion criteria (≥30-years-old, ≤65-years-old, not pregnant, intact uterus). If selected, they participated in a 19-question structured knowledge, attitudes and practices survey. The questionnaire included questions on demographics, education, knowledge of HPV, cervical cancer, and risk factors. Chi-squared tests were evaluated comparing knowledge, attitudes and practices relating to HPV and cervical cancer screening with actual infection with HPV. Women were also offered a voluntary HIV and self-collected HPV screening. Results Six hundred seventy-nine women were included in the knowledge, attitudes and practices survey. Most women (81%) had heard of cervical cancer while the majority had not heard of HPV (12%). The number of women that had been screened previously for cervical cancer was low (5%) . There were no significant differences between and within groups regarding knowledge of cervical cancer and actual overall infection with HR-HPV, HPV 16, and HPV 18/45 test results. Conclusions Most women in rural Zimbabwe have heard of cervical cancer, but the number that had been screened was low . Extending existing outreach services to include cervical cancer screening, potentially including HPV screening, should include cervical cancer/HPV education and screening triage. This approach would serve to bridge the gap between knowledge and screening availability to address some of the barriers to cervical cancer care still affecting women in many regions of the world.
Insertion of a rectal tube after colonoscopy does not affect abdominal bloating, pain, or discomfort during recovery from the procedure or over the subsequent 24 hours, nor does it affect overall patient satisfaction.
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