This paper deals with denials. 'Emphatic polarity' is here approached from a welldefined perspective that focuses on the syntactic expression of reversing reactions to assertions.Three syntactic strategies to convey emphatic affirmation in the Romance languages are described and their distribution across languages elucidated, namely: the verb reduplication strategy, the sí que (AFF that) strategy, and the sentence-final sim/sí strategy. In order to account for the common traits of the structures displaying emphatic affirmation and concomitantly for their restricted cross-linguistic availability, the paper argues for the hypothesis that: (i) the functional categories C (encoding relative polarity features) and Σ (encoding absolute polarity features) are jointly involved in the syntactic expression of emphatic polarity and must be both phonologically realized in the relevant structures; (ii) verb movement in relation to the functional heads C and Σ (the topmost head of the IP domain) plus the specificities of the polarity lexicon are the main sources of variation across the Romance languages. Under this hypothesis, (i) is the unifying factor that lies behind the variation emerging from (ii). In its final section the paper briefly discusses emphatic negation. Two patterns are identified that parallel respectively the sí que pattern and the sentence-final sim/sí pattern. IntroductionFarkas & Bruce (2010) distinguish between initiating and responding assertions, the former associated with absolute polarity features only, the latter also bearing relative polarity features (cf. Pope 1976). In the system devised by Farkas & Bruce (2010) freely implemented but it is expected to result in pragmatically adequate utterances only when the relevant structures bear the relative polarity feature [reverse] and, in particular, are reversals of a previous assertion. This is the type of structure and discourse context I will be interested throughout the paper.Theoretically, the analysis argued for in this paper belongs to the Holmberg-style family of analyses for answering systems in treating emphatic polarity as a product of the interaction between the polarity-encoding head Σ/Pol and CP (or some specific category belonging within the CP space). 2 It departs from Holmberg's work, however, in taking unmarked polar answers to be structurally different from emphatic ones.The latter typically appear as reversals of a previous assertion and are structurally more complex than the former. The analysis put forth in this paper departs from the approach to emphatic polarity undertaken by Kandybowicz (this issue) in not making use of a specific functional projection to convey polarity emphasis. Although The data used in the present study are intuitive 5 and their analysis and discussion are couched within the generative framework (Chomsky 1995 and subsequent work).With respect to the functional architecture of the clause, it will be assumed that there is an overall parallel between affirmative and negative sentences, meaning that ...
Neste capítulo descreve-se a colocação dos pronomes clíticos no português europeu contemporâneo, pondo em destaque as especificidades do português europeu no quadro das línguas românicas. Depois oferece-se uma perspetiva diacrónica que identifica os pontos de estabilidade e de mudança no sistema de colocação dos pronomes clíticos e mostra como, ao longo do tempo, o português divergiu sintaticamente de outras línguas ibéricas com as quais partilhava, no período medieval, um padrão idêntico de distribuição da próclise e da ênclise.Neste percurso de divergência, o português preserva aspetos centrais do sistema original, em contraste com línguas como o espanhol e o catalão. O capítulo aborda ainda a questão da interpolação (i.e. a descontinuidade entre clítico e verbo) e esclarece que a interpolação dialetal observável no português europeu contemporâneo não é a continuação da interpolação medieval.Ao longo do capítulo identificam-se questões em aberto relativamente ao tópico em análise. No quadro românico, o português brasileiro falado tem o sistema mais simples, pois apresenta próclise generalizada, com o clítico a ocorrer sempre imediatamente antes do Martins, Ana Maria (2016
This chapter accounts for variation and change with respect to clitic placement, VP-ellipsis, and scrambling in non-V1 finite clauses in Romance. The chapter is organized in five sections. Section 11.2 shows that in Romance there is a correlation which holds both synchronically and diachronically between the availability of VP-ellipsis and enclisis in finite clauses. Section 11.3 elucidates the connection between clitic placement and Old Romance IP-scrambling. Section 11.4 presents a concise description of the different patterns of clitic placement in Old and Modern Romance and proposes a unified account of synchronic and diachronic variation. Section 11.5 summarizes and concludes the chapter.
This chapter argues that constructions that apparently involve hyper‐raising with resumption in Brazilian Portuguese actually result from A‐movement of an embedded topic. This chapter accounts for the mixed A/A′‐properties of the matrix subject of these constructions and provides independent evidence for Chomksy's (2001) version of the Phase Impenetrability Condition.
In this paper we discuss two types of co-occurrence restrictions involving reflexive clitics in European Portuguese and examine their implications for obligatory control.We argue that these restrictions may shed some light on where the "controller" is generated, thus making it possible to empirically test three minimalist approaches to control: the predicate attraction approach (see Manzini and Roussou 2000), the PRObased approach (e.g. Chomsky and Lasnik 1993, Landau 2000, 2004, and Martin 2001, and the movement approach (e.g. Hornstein 1999, 2001 and Boeckx, Hornstein, and Nunes 2010. We show that neither of the approaches is able to capture all the relevant data if pursued under a strong lexicalist perspective such as Chomsky's (1993Chomsky's ( , 2000 and that only the movement approach can account for all the data in a uniform way under Chomsky's (2001) weak lexicalist perspective.Keywords: control theory, identity avoidance, Phase Impenetrability Condition, reflexive clitics, indefinite se, European Portuguese IntroductionIn the last two decades the syntax of control has been the object of a rich and at times heated discussion within minimalism, as figuring out what might be the best analysis of control has important theoretical consequences. This paper aims at contributing to this * The first author's research for this paper was supported by FCT -Fundação para a Ciência e a Tecnologia. . Identity Avoidance with Reflexive Clitics in European Portuguese and Minimalist Approaches to . https://www.mitpressjournals.org/doi/full/10.1162/LING_a_00256 2 debate by examining new empirical phenomena that may help us choose among three of the most prominent approaches to control within minimalism, namely, Manzini and Roussou's (2000) predicate attraction account, PRO-based accounts (e.g. Chomsky and Lasnik 1993, Landau 2000, 2004, and Martin 2001, and movement accounts (e.g. Hornstein 1999, 2001 and Boeckx, Hornstein, and Nunes 2010, as respectively sketched in (1). Leaving aside a detailed discussion of their technical implementations, we will focus on two of their major architectural differences. The first one regards the number of DPs required to encode a control relation. In Manzini and Roussou's (2000) predicate attraction approach, a single DP (which corresponds to the "controller" in the other approaches) is involved: it is merged where it surfaces and attracts the relevant -features of both the matrix and the embedded predicate at LF (see (1a)). By contrast, the other approaches resort to two DPs, each of which occupying a -position at some point in the derivation. The second major difference is related to the nature of the "controlee"and distinguishes between these two last approaches: it is a lexical formative (PRO) under a PRO-based approach (see (1b)) and a trace/copy in a movement approach (see (1c)).The data to be examined below involve two types of co-occurrence restrictions affecting reflexive clitics in European Portuguese, which we will refer to as identity . Identity Avoidance with...
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