The conditions which determine the alternation between proclisis and enclisis in European Portuguese appear atfirst sight to be entirely differentfrom thosefound in other Romanee languages such äs Spanish andltalian. In thispaper I argue that these differences can be explained by assuming that clitic movement in European Portuguese targets a higher functional head, namely the C-node. Building on Kayne (1991), l propose a theory of clitic placement which derives enclisis from movement ofthe clitic into an empty C (assumed to be a non-operator position), followed by left-adjunction of the verbal complex to the clitic. Proclisis, on the other hand, is assumed to resultfrom left-adjunction ofthe clitic to the functional head to which the verbal complex has raised. Proclisis is hence taken to have lastresort Status, äs it is only found in clauses where no empty functional head is available for clitic movement, or where such a movement is blocked. The paper concludes by showing how this analysis derives the whole ränge of clitic-second ejfectsfound in European Portuguese.
This paper investigates the interpretation preferences for null and overt subject pronouns in anaphoric and cataphoric contexts in L2 Portuguese and, specifically, whether: i) the L1 of the participants (Italian and German) influences their interpretation; ii) there is evidence of development; iii) there are differences determined by pronoun type and context. The results of a picture selection task administered to the L2 groups and a group of L1 adults show that the distinction between null and overt subjects is established early; learners distinguish anaphoric and cataphoric contexts and their performance may be influenced by processing constraints; there is some development from beginner to advanced level, visible in the Italian group mainly for overt pronouns; and the proximity of the L1 appears to facilitate L2 acquisition.
This study investigates the interpretation of subject pronouns in L2 EP by Italian native speakers, to examine the following questions: In overt subject resolution, do L1 Italian - L2 European Portuguese learners behave like L1 EP speakers regarding antecedent animacy (a property at the syntax-semantics interface) at L2 developmental stages and at the near-native level?; When the antecedent in object position is animate, do L1 Italian - L2 EP learners exhibit permanent optionality in the interpretation of overt subject pronouns but not of null subjects, as claimed by Sorace (2016), a.o.? Participants were 15 adult EP native speakers, 10 intermediate, 10 advanced and 10 near-native Italian adult learners of L2 EP. They were administered two multiple-choice tasks (speeded and untimed) with a 2x2 design crossing the following variables: animacy of the matrix object (animate vs. inanimate) and type of embedded pronominal subject (overt vs. null). Results indicate that L2 learners show problems only in the areas where the L1 and the L2 differ (Madeira, Fiéis & Teixeira, this volume), namely: the resolution of overt subjects in the presence of [-animate] object antecedent and the resolution of null subjects. Learners’ performance in these areas remains unstable even at the near-native level. These findings challenge the ideas that internal interfaces (syntax/semantics) are not persistently problematic and that null subjects are unproblematic in L2 anaphora resolution (cf. Sorace, 2011, 2016). They moreover point to the importance of L1 influence in L2 anaphora resolution, a factor generally played down in previous studies (e.g., Sorace, 2016).
This study investigates whether the acquisition of clitics in L2 Portuguese is characterised by high rates of omission, as has been observed in L1 acquisition. On the basis of production and comprehension data from three intermediate learner groups (speakers of English, Spanish and Chinese), we conclude that there is no evidence for a generalised omission strategy. Omission in L2 Portuguese appears to be determined both by properties of the learners' L1 and by specific properties of the grammar of Portuguese, and results from an overgeneralization of the null object construction, similarly to what has been argued for L1 Portuguese.
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