About two decades after the introduction of party quotas, in the mid-2000s both Portugal and Spain enacted legislative gender quotas. The simultaneous implementation of party and legislative quotas raises questions about the potential interactions between two types of candidate quotas sharing the same goal – granting gender equality in political representation. Following a feminist institutionalist approach, this article aims at disentangling under what circumstances compliance with legislative quotas is greater. By looking at the different party institutional contexts in which candidates are selected, a double comparative framework is set. Firstly, we examine within country how legislative quotas affect political parties with dissimilar strategies to pursue equal gender representation. Secondly, we analyse across countries how they impact on political parties with differently institutionalized voluntary quotas. The article shows that legislative quotas are nested in political parties’ candidate selection process and that existing gendered practices and norms limit the effective compliance with such measures.
BackgroundMost patients with chronic myeloid leukemia (CML) treated with tyrosine kinase inhibitors (TKIs) will relapse if treatment is withdrawn, but various trials have recently demonstrated that a significant proportion of patients who achieved a stable and deep molecular response (DMR) can stop therapy without relapsing. However, most information on treatment cessation was obtained from clinical trials with strict recruiting criteria.MethodsWe evaluated the outcome of 25 patients with CML that discontinued TKI therapy in our institute in real-world clinical practice.ResultsOf the 25 patients, 76% discontinued therapy in sustained deep molecular response (SDMR) and 24% were in unsustained DMR (UDMR). Discontinuation of therapy due to adverse effects was observed in 5 and 50% of the patients in the SDMR and UDMR groups, respectively. After TKI discontinuation, patients were followed for a median of 24 months. At the time of this analysis, 56% patients had a molecular relapse after a median of 4 months. SDMR and longer treatment duration were associated with lower probability of molecular relapse: 25% in SDMR patients with TKI treatment > 96 months and 85% in UDMR patients with TKI treatment ≤96 months. All relapsed patients promptly resumed TKI therapy and regained at least major molecular response (MMR).ConclusionsOur results suggest that TKI discontinuation is safe outside clinical trials and particularly effective in CML patients who are in SDMR with longer TKI treatment duration.Electronic supplementary materialThe online version of this article (10.1186/s12885-018-5167-y) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users.
Although the gender composition of assemblies is slowly changing in order to include more women, very little is known about citizens' attitudes towards women's descriptive representation. Using data from a representative sample of the Portuguese population, this article aims to offer an explanation of citizens' attitudes towards women in parliament. It demonstrates that the Portuguese population is willing to see the presence of women in political power increase, but only up to a certain point: although most people support an increase in the number of female MPs, only a minority wish a substantial increase. This article makes a valuable contribution to the literature by demonstrating that, more than party identification or gender stereotypes, issues surrounding concerns with women's interests and with the quality of democracy are strongly related to a desire for a gender equilibrated political environment.
Although the presence of women has been increasing in several parliaments around the world, we still do not know much about the consequences that their presence has for policy representation. Relying on a rich comparative dataset on prospective MPs’ policy preferences in 12 countries and 87 political parties collected between 2006 and 2012 within the Comparative Candidates Survey, this article aims to understand how political parties interplay with prospective MPs’ sex to affect the latter’s policy preferences. Our results show that the descriptive representation of women makes a difference for policy representation, (i) mainly (though not only) when issues that particularly affect women are at stake and (ii) only concerning issues around which political parties do not yet have settled positions (i.e. uncrystallized issues). There are therefore empirical grounds to support an imposed representation of minority groups to deal with issues that are new on the political agenda.
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.