How do Americans organize their political beliefs? This article argues that party polarization and the growing prominence of moral issues in recent decades have catalyzed different responses by different groups of Americans. The article investigates systematic heterogeneity in the organization of political attitudes using relational class analysis, a graph-based method for detecting multiple patterns of opinion in survey data. Three subpopulations, each characterized by a distinctive way of organizing its political beliefs, are identified: ideologues, whose political attitudes strongly align with either liberal or conservative categories; alternatives, who are instead morally conservative but economically liberal, or vice versa; and agnostics, who exhibit weak associations between political beliefs. Individuals' sociodemographic profiles, particularly their income, education, and religiosity, lie at the core of the different ways in which they understand politics. Results show that while ideologues have gone through a process of issue alignment, alternatives have grown increasingly apart from the political agendas of both parties. The conflictual presence of conservative and liberal preferences has often been resolved by alternative voters in favor of the Republican Party.
Citation for published item:rnnnD wF F nd qoldergD eF nd uov¡ sD fF @PHITA 9ht does it men to spn ulturl oundriesc riety nd typility in ulturl onsumptionF9D emerin soiologil reviewFD VI @PAF ppF PISEPRIF Further information on publisher's website: httpXGGdxFdoiForgGIHFIIUUGHHHQIPPRITTQPUVU Publisher's copyright statement: rnnnD wF F nd qoldergD eF nd uov¡ sD fF @PHITA 9ht does it men to spn ulturl oundriesc riety nd typility in ulturl onsumptionF9D emerin soiologil reviewFD VI @PAF ppF PISEPRIF gopyright PHIT emerin oiologil essoitionF eprinted y permission of eqi ulitionsF Additional information: Use policyThe full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. AbstractWe propose a synthesis of two lines of sociological research on boundary spanning in cultural production and consumption. One, research on cultural omnivorousness, analyzes choice by heterogeneous audiences facing an array of crisp cultural offerings. The other, research on categories in markets, analyzes reactions by homogeneous audiences to objects that vary in the degree to which they conform to categorical codes. We develop a model of heterogeneous audiences evaluating objects that vary in typicality. This allows consideration of orientations on two dimensions of cultural preference: variety and typicality. We propose a novel analytical framework to map consumption behavior in these two dimensions. We argue that one audience type, those who value variety and typicality, are especially resistant to objects that span boundaries. We test this argument in an analysis of two large-scale datasets of reviews of films and restaurants.
Network models of diffusion predominantly think about cultural variation as a product of social contagion. But culture does not spread like a virus. We propose an alternative explanation we call associative diffusion. Drawing on two insights from research in cognition-that meaning inheres in cognitive associations between concepts, and that perceived associations constrain people's actions-we introduce a model in which, rather than beliefs or behaviors, the things being transmitted between individuals are perceptions about what beliefs or behaviors are compatible with one another. Conventional contagion models require the assumption that networks are segregated to explain cultural variation. We show, in contrast, that the endogenous emergence of cultural differentiation can be entirely attributable to social cognition and does not require a segregated network or a preexisting division into groups. Moreover, we show that prevailing assumptions about the effects of network topology do not hold when diffusion is associative.
How do people adapt to organizational culture and what are the consequences for their outcomes in the organization? These fundamental questions about culture have previously been examined using self-report measures, which are subject to reporting bias, rely on coarse cultural categories defined by researchers, and provide only static snapshots of cultural fit. In contrast, we develop an interactional language use model that overcomes these limitations and opens new avenues for theoretical development about the dynamics of organizational culture. We trace the enculturation trajectories of employees in a mid-sized technology firm based on analyses of 10.24 million internal emails. Our language-based model of changing cultural fit: (1) predicts individual attainment; (2) reveals distinct patterns of adaptation for employees who exit voluntarily, exit involuntarily, and remain employed; (3) demonstrates that rapid early cultural adaptation reduces the risk of involuntary, but not voluntary, exit; and (4) finds that a decline in cultural fit for individuals who had successfully enculturated portends voluntary departure.Key words : organizational culture, enculturation, cultural fit, attainment, linguistic accommodation IntroductionOrganizational scholars have long recognized the importance of culture in shaping individual, group, and organizational success. For example, culture features prominently in research on the efficacy of newcomer socialization (e.g., Ashforth and Saks 1996), the productivity of groups and teams (e.g., Chatman et al. 1998), and organizational performance following the merger of two firms (e.g., Weber and Camerer 2003). Although the definitions of culture have varied somewhat across these research streams, prior research has tended to treat organizational culture as a static construct and therefore emphasized the importance of achieving cultural fit-an informal threshold that an organizational member either ultimately succeeds, or fails, to cross (Van Maanen and Schein 1979, Ashford and Nurmohamed 2012)-for various indicators of performance (O'Reilly et al. 1991, Rivera 2012). Yet organizational enculturation is a dynamic and ongoing process. Cultural fit, therefore, is an elastic construct. In this paper, we examine the question: How is the specific temporal pattern of a person's cultural compatibility with colleagues in an organization related to her career outcomes in that setting?Although some prior work assumes that cultural fit can change over time, especially during early newcomer adjustment to an organization (Bauer et al. 2007, Chatman 1991, compelling theoretical accounts of the dynamics and consequences of cultural fit remain largely absent from the literature (Shipp and Jansen 2011). We trace this paucity of theoretical development to a methodological source: the tools that have heretofore been used to measure culture within organizations-such as participant observation (Kunda 2006, Van Maanen 1991 or self-report surveys (e.g., O'Reilly et al. 1991, Jones 1986, Hofstede et al. 2010,...
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.
hi@scite.ai
10624 S. Eastern Ave., Ste. A-614
Henderson, NV 89052, USA
Copyright © 2024 scite LLC. All rights reserved.
Made with 💙 for researchers
Part of the Research Solutions Family.