In this inductive, qualitative study, we observe how Uber, a company often hailed as being the poster-child of the sharing economy facilitated through a digital platform may also at times represent and reinforce postcapitalist hyper-exploitation. Drawing on the motivations and lived experiences of 31 Uber drivers in Toronto, Canada, we provide insights into three groups of Uber drivers: (1) those that are driving part-time to earn extra money in conjunction with studying or doing other jobs, (2) those that are unemployed and for whom driving for Uber is the only source of income, and (3) professional drivers, who are trying to keep pace with the durable digital landscape and competitive marketplace. We emphasize the ways in which each driver group simultaneously acknowledges and rejects their own precarious employment by distancing techniques such as minimizing the risks and accentuating the advantages of the driver role. We relate these findings to a broader discussion about how driving for Uber fuels the traditional capitalist narrative that working hard and having a dream will lead to advancement, security and success. We conclude by discussing other alternative economies within the sharing economy.

This article examines two blogs written by the spouses of game developers about extreme and exploitative working conditions in the video game industry and the associated reader comments. The wives of these video game developers and members of the game community decry these working conditions and challenge dominant ideologies about making games. This article contributes to the work intensification literature by challenging the belief that long hours are necessary and inevitable to make successful games, discussing the negative toll of extreme work on workers and their families, and by highlighting that the project-based structure of game development both creates extreme work conditions and inhibits resistance. It considers how extreme work practices are legitimized through neo-normative control mechanisms made possible through project-based work structures and the perceived imperative of a race or 'crunch' to meet project deadlines. The findings show that neo-normative control mechanisms create an insularity within project teams and can make it difficult for workers to resist their own extreme working conditions, and at times to even understand them as extreme.

This article surfaces some of the emotional encounters that may be experienced while trying to gain access and secure informants in qualitative research. Using the children’s game of hopscotch as a metaphor, we develop a dynamic, nonlinear process model of gaining access yielding four elements: study formulation with plans to move forward, identifying potential informants, contacting informants, and interacting with informants during data collection. Underlying each element of the process is the potential for researchers to re-strategize their approach or exit the study. Autobiographical stories about gaining access for our PhD dissertation research are used to flesh out each element of the process, including the challenges we experienced with each element and how we addressed them. We conclude by acknowledging limitations to our study and suggest future and continued areas of research.

How do you manage a team following the death of an employee? This article explores this question and inquires if managerial responses to suffering can be compassionate with a decentralized team structure, in the restaurant industry where employees are faced with a high degree of emotional labour. To date, the compassion process has suggested that a focal actor, often a manager, first must notice suffering, then must feel empathic concern, and act in ways to alleviate a sufferer’s pain (Kanov et al., 2004). In this study, against the backdrop of the compassion process with a narrative approach and stories-as-text design, the findings articulate the material conditions that impede, disavow and inhibit the compassion process from the point of view of three restaurant managers acting as focal actors and their (rather unsuccessful) attempts to aid and alleviate the suffering of their grieving team members. By explicating the dynamics of their managerial failure using the link of grief and compassion, this article extends our understanding of grief at work and management in the restaurant industry more broadly.

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