. The authors wish to express their appreciation to Samantha McNeilly of the AUM Library for her careful review and comments upon an earlier draft of this work. © 2015 Timothy P. Bailey, Amanda L. Scott, and Rickey D. Best. Academic libraries continue to face funding pressures compounded by the need to provide students with access to electronic resources, both in journal and book formats. With space constraints and the need to repurpose library space to other uses, libraries must carefully examine the move to e-only formats for books to determine if the format makes reasonable economic sense.A survey conducted at Auburn University at Montgomery (AUM) has confirmed for academic libraries the work of Gray and Copeland on e-books being more expensive than print for public libraries. For AUM, the mean cost for an e-book is significantly higher than for the print counterpart of that title. The cost differentials between the two formats show e-books as being consistently higher than print in initial price. This consistency holds true across all LC classifications, regardless of whether or not the title is published by a university press or a commercial press. uburn University at Montgomery (AUM) is a regional, doctoral level V institution as defined by the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on Colleges. The institution has a student enrollment of approximately 5,000 undergraduate and graduate students and offers 34 undergraduate and 25 graduate degree programs.Due to space constraints, the continued growth of the AUM Library's collections has been challenged. In an attempt to address this challenge, the library is considering altering the book selection process to favor e-books over print. The library has a history of using e-books, having subscribed to all of the netLibrary collections (now EBSCO e-books) and the ACLS Humanities collections. The library has also recently licensed access to Springer e-books collections. These collections were purchased or licensed as a group of titles and did not require individual selection for titles. Library emphasis has been to rely upon the e-book version of specific titles and to avoid duplicating those in print.
This chapter reflects on the conflicts between seroras and their communities. Seroras, like their male colleagues, were parts of their communities through and through, and often little separated emotionally, physically, or economically from the people they served. Proximity easily gave birth to tension and conflict, and as members of their communities, seroras and priests often responded passionately and intensely. These visible contraventions to a reformed, peaceful, and professional clergy drew the attention of the bishop; consequently, criminal cases handled by the Diocese of Pamplona are skewed toward breaches of both legal obligation and social expectations, including episodes of violence. How parishioners reported, reacted to, and participated in conflict with their seroras underscores the ease with which the ideals of reform were consumed and deployed by local communities and for local purposes. Seroras occupied a central place within local religious life; yet the vocation was not static, nor was it immune to challenge. In the postreform years, conflict involving seroras and their communities provided a crucial opportunity for localities to engage with the practical aspects of implementing religious reform, mold it according to their own preferences, or reject it altogether.
This introductory chapter provides an overview of a serora, or a devout laywoman entrusted with caring for a parish church or shrine in the early modern Basque Country and Navarre. As common as seroras were in early modern northern Iberia, their prominence and geographic reach was limited to monolingual Basque-speaking lands and their bilingual neighboring areas. They of course shared many things in common with other devout and semireligious women active in the late medieval and early modern periods; however, the seroras represent a powerful variation that accorded Basque women far more social prominence, economic independence, and religious status and responsibility than any of their counterparts. The vocation was always reserved solely for women and was considered functionally separate from any role the lower male clergy might assume. In this capacity, the seroras may be one of the earliest examples of a specifically female livelihood with a salary that did not imitate or replicate male labor and that took place outside the home. Seroras complemented, and certainly facilitated, male religious work, but the two operated in tandem and were not considered interchangeable. In this light, the seroras push one to reconsider assumptions that early modern Catholic reform was categorically repressive and restrictive for women.
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