recently redirected our attention to a vexed expression in Rhesus, which from Late Antique school texts, presumably, had found its way into the lexica of Cyril / Hesychius and the Suda. 1 The aim of this study is to explain its genesis more accurately in the light of the playwright's compositional style. At Rhes. 116-18 Aeneas warns Hector of the dangers, should his intended night attack meet with Achaean opposition: πῶς γὰρ περάσει σκόλοπας ἐν τροπῇ στρατός; πῶς δ᾽ αὖ γεφύρας διαβαλοῦσ᾽ ἱππηλάται, ἢν ἆρα μὴ θραύσαντες ἀντύγων χνόας; 2 The difficulty lies with 118 ἀντύγων χνόας. In order to make sense of that phrase, one must take the Homeric ἄντυξ, 'rail round front of chariot' (LSJ s.v. I 2), metonymically of the entire vehicle, which is the interpretation of choice in Rhes. 237 Φθιάδων δ᾽ ἵππων ποτ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἄντυγα βαίη and Callim. Hymn 3, 140-1 καὶ ἄντυγες, αἵ τε σε ῥεῖα | θηητὴν φορέουσιν ὅτ᾽ ἐς Διὸς οἶκον ἐλαύνεις and still preferable at Eur. Hipp. 1231 σιγῇ πελάζων ἄντυγι ξυνείπετο, Phoen. 1193 ἔθρῳσκον ἐξέπιπτον ἀντύγων ἄπο and Theoc. Id. 2.166 ἀστέρες, εὐκάλοιο κατ᾽ ἄντυγα Νυκτὸς ὀπαδοί. 3 The χνόαι could then regularly refer to the wheels' axle boxes or naves (LSJ s.v. χνόη 1). But as Magnani (108-10) has observed, it is surprising to find normally distinct parts of a chariot (cf. Eur. IA 229-30 παρ᾽ ἄντυγα | καὶ σύριγγας ἁρματείους) combined to denote a part of the whole; 4 and 'nothing authorizes us to regard * I am grateful to Patrick Finglass and Martin West for their help and encouragement, and to CQ's anonymous referee for pointing out places where my argument needed clarification. Gregory Klyve kindly allowed me to cite his unpublished Oxford dissertation (nn. 18, 25). 1 M. Magnani, '"Mozzi di parapetti"? (Suda α 2660 A. ~ [Eur.] Rhes. 118)', Paideia 56 (2001), 107-11. The high number of Rhesus glosses in Hesychius (cf. J. Diggle, Euripidea. Collected Essays [Oxford, 1994], 517 n. 27 for the letter α) suggests that, contrary to its relative absence from other indirect sources, the play was as relevant to the ancient curricula as the rest of the Euripidean 'Selection'. 2 Cf.
In Pi. Pyth. 1, 71 -80 the battles of Himera and Kyme, in which the Deinomenid rulers of Syracuse defeated the Carthaginians and Etruscans in 480 and 474 BC, are equated with the battles of Salamis and Plataea. In particular, the idea of a supreme effort for preserving Greek freedom, frequent in contemporary poetic celebrations of the Persian Wars, is transferred to the western conflicts. This paper reviews the textual evidence and argues that Pi. Pyth. 1, 71 -80 perhaps specifically recalls Aeschylus' description of Salamis in Persai (353 -432) and the praise of the Spartans in Simonides' Plataea Elegy (frr. 11 + 13 IEG 2 ). Pindar's ostensible aim of raising Hieron's pan-Hellenic profile therefore acquires a second dimension: the Deinomenids not only achieved military successes equivalent to those of the mainland Greeks, but they also deserve to be praised on the same literary terms.
Almut Fries In the late 1950s a gifted Classics undergraduate at Oxford was advised by E. R. Dodds, then Regius Professor of Greek, that he should turn his attention to prose works rather than poetry on the ground that little remained to be done there in the field of textual studies. Fortunately, the young man did not follow this no doubt honest and well-intentioned recommendation-for his name was Martin West. This is one of the many anecdotes that circulate in Oxford about Martin West, whom I knew for nearly fifteen years and whose friendship I enjoyed for the last eight or so. The story is true-he himself recounted it, with characteristic self-irony, in his acceptance speech for the 2000 Balzan Prize (reprinted in Hesperos (2007), the Festschrift for his 70 th birthday)-but even if it were not, it is a good one because it encapsulates the scholarly personality of the man who long before his sudden death, on 13 July 2015, had become the world's foremost expert on early Greek poetry and its manifold connections in space and time. Never subject to changing intellectual fashions or afraid of challenging established doctrines (or of being challenged himself), Martin pursued his chosen path to the point of leaving a legacy which easily proves Dodds' opinion wrong and which few, if any, can ever hope to emulate. Born in Hampton, Middlesex, on 23 September 1937, Martin went to St. Paul's School in London, still one of the leading independent schools for boys in Britain, before he came up to Balliol College Oxford to read Classics in 1955. Classical education in those days, both at school and initially at university, largely consisted of translation from and into Greek and Latin, prose and verse. It was this rigorous training, combined with supreme talent (even 'genius' would not be too grand a word), that provided the basis for his extraordinary feeling for language and style. In Oxford he soon came to attend the legendary text-based seminars which Eduard Fraenkel had introduced on the German model. Taught by Wilamowitz and Leo, among others, Fraenkel not only impressed his students with his immense learning and love of ancient literature, but also led them to understand the essence of classical philology (in the continental sense). Throughout his life Martin saw himself as standing in this tradition-a portrait of Wilamowitz hung above his desk at home, and he often returned to
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