Understanding the nature of current household water use is important for forecasting future demand and for designing effective water efficiency interventions. This paper argues that to develop this understanding further it is necessary to shift away from the current focus on sociodemographic characteristics as predictors of litres used towards the everyday practices of household members through which water is consumed, i.e. routine and often habitual activities such as watering the garden, showering and clothes washing. It presents selected results from a survey of water using practices undertaken in southern England in 2011, focusing on garden watering as an example which demonstrates some of the added understanding that such a "practices approach" brings to how water is being used. These serve to illustrate that how individuals water the garden varies, often with little relationship to their sociodemographic characteristics. Further results demonstrate too that how individuals perform different practices varies with little relationship between the practices, so that even a set of households with similar levels of daily per capita water use can be using it in widely different ways. We end with some examples of how this understanding could help in demand forecasting and in designing more effective approaches to interventions.
The exploration of everyday social practices related to sustainability often touches on the most invisible parts of people's everyday lives. Given the multiple cultural forces that govern cleanliness and comfort, and the intimate spheres in which these practices are performed, practices associated with everyday water use (and associated energy consumption) bump up against 'the taboo' . While it has been resolved that 'people can talk about their practices' in interviews, a range of other methods -including CCTV, video and other data to survey and document practices in homes -are increasingly being used. As we delve theoretically closer to these public/private boundaries with new studies on social practices and sustainability, greater attention to the ethics of methods is needed. Different 'talk'-based methodologies such as focus groups that could allow researchers to work more ethically with the strong moral sensitivities of certain domestic practices have not yet been considered. This paper explores six focus groups on 'bodies, clothes, dirt and cleanliness' that took place in Lancaster, UK. Reflecting on researcher positionality, and results of a follow-up survey with participants, the paper concludes that focus groups, humour and laughter enable intimately political conversations about aspects of everyday practices that might be difficult to access or articulate through other research methods. The implications of using conversational humour and laughter as purposeful tools for exploring particular aspects of everyday social practices is also explored. This paper responds to recent calls for greater consideration of fieldwork and methodologies related to gender and embodiment within human geography, and on the ethics and politics of everyday life research.
Climate change, socio-demographic change and changing patterns of ordinary consumption are creating new and unpredictable pressures on urban water resources in the UK. While demand management is currently offered as a first option for managing supply/ demand deficit, the uncertainties around demand and its' potential trajectories are problematic for water resources research, planning and policy. In this article we review the ways in which particular branches of social science come together to offer a model of 'distributed demand' that helps explain these current and future uncertainties. We also identify potential strategies for tracking where the drivers of change for demand may lie. Rather than suggest an alternative 'demand forecasting' technique, we propose methodological approaches that 'stretch out' and 'scale up' proxy measures of demand to inform water resources planning and policy. These proxy measurements could act as 'indictors of change' to water demand at a population level that could then be used to inform research and policy strategies. We conclude by arguing for the need to recognise the co-production of demand futures and supply trajectories.
Policy development and implementation should be fundamental for community psychologists in their endeavors to create social change. Policy necessarily is engaged at broad social and political levels, but it is mediated through communities and individuals, and thus appealing for our discipline. We argue that there are increasing opportunities for social input in liberal democracies with the growing awareness of the need to consider social factors in policy. Public participation is one aspect of policy development, but it can be problematic and can disempowered communities, especially disadvantaged communities. Using the framework of the 'third position', a case study of attempts to ameliorate institutional oppression of Australian Aboriginal people through policy change is described. Structural reform to community engagement is described in terms of empowerment and capacity building. Power relationships are deconstructed to allow understandings of the dynamics of policy change, and the broader implications for community psychological praxis are discussed.
The nexus of water-energy-food (WEF) is as apparent at the household scale as it is anywhere else. We introduce the "Nexus at Home" as a starting point for exploring the dynamics of WEF resource use and household sustainability. Drawing on two research projects we focus specifically on domestic kitchens as a site where practices of cooking, eating, cleaning and disposing of waste come together. While these practices have long been targets for policy intervention, existing approaches draw on a limited range of perspectives from the social sciences. Reflecting on our work with four non-academic partners (Defra, BEIS, FSA, Waterwise), we consider how social practice and geographies of household sustainability research might be combined with the dictum of "nexus thinking" to re-imagine the framing of policy and intervention to reduce the resource intensity of everyday life. Synthesising existing "home practices" literature in the context of the "live" policy problems raised by our partners, we seek to provide clear guidance for intervening in kitchen practices. We draw on one topic which has not yet been the subject of social practices research: fats, oils and grease (FOG) going down the kitchen plughole and contributing to widespread sewer blockages.In doing so we document the sequence of interrelated food provisioning activities through which WEF is put to use in domestic kitchens and contributes to FOG blockages in sewers. We reflect upon the multiple ways these practices are shaped by the rhythms of daily life, dynamics within the home, wider cultural conventions, and infrastructures. This paper contributes to the nascent transdisciplinary research agenda of translating home practices research into wider conceptualisations of "intervention", with a specific orientation towards academic and non-academic stakeholders who are interested in influencing systems of sustainable consumption and production within, and across, the WEF sectors.
K E Y W O R D Sdomestic practices, everyday practice, fats-oils-grease, household sustainability, policy interventions, water-energy-food nexus --
The impacts of unplanned mining closure for 'fence line' residential communities Establishing 'social licences to operate' with communities has become a significant corporate social responsibility agenda. The complex dynamics of these relationships can compound the impacts for communities when these contracts are not upheld. This article documents reflections from a Rapid Rural Appraisal conducted in the Shire of Ravensthorpe in remote Western Australia after the Ravensthorpe Nickel Operation was 'mothballed' nine months into a projected twenty five year life span. It captures how communication about the project and its timeframes created a sense of consistency, predictability, certainty and trust-enabling the social licence. The raising of hope, and the emergence of mistrust underpin the social, environmental and financial impacts of this event for the local community. Embedded in the theoretical dimensions of social licences this case study highlights the problematic of social licences that engage with non-contractual stakeholders as partners in 'booms' but have no legal responsibility towards them in times of 'bust'.
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