Background Though SARS-CoV-2 outbreaks have been documented in occupational settings and in-person essential work has been suspected as a risk factor for COVID-19, occupational differences in excess mortality have, to date, not been examined. Such information could point to opportunities for intervention, such as vaccine prioritization or regulations to enforce safer work environments. Methods and findings Using autoregressive integrated moving average models and California Department of Public Health data representing 356,188 decedents 18–65 years of age who died between January 1, 2016 and November 30, 2020, we estimated pandemic-related excess mortality by occupational sector and occupation, with additional stratification of the sector analysis by race/ethnicity. During these first 9 months of the COVID-19 pandemic, working-age adults experienced 11,628 more deaths than expected, corresponding to 22% relative excess and 46 excess deaths per 100,000 living individuals. Sectors with the highest relative and per-capita excess mortality were food/agriculture (39% relative excess; 75 excess deaths per 100,000), transportation/logistics (31%; 91 per 100,000), manufacturing (24%; 61 per 100,000), and facilities (23%; 83 per 100,000). Across racial and ethnic groups, Latino working-age Californians experienced the highest relative excess mortality (37%) with the highest excess mortality among Latino workers in food and agriculture (59%; 97 per 100,000). Black working-age Californians had the highest per-capita excess mortality (110 per 100,000), with relative excess mortality highest among transportation/logistics workers (36%). Asian working-age Californians had lower excess mortality overall, but notable relative excess mortality among health/emergency workers (37%), while White Californians had high per-capita excess deaths among facilities workers (70 per 100,000). Conclusions Certain occupational sectors are associated with high excess mortality during the pandemic, particularly among racial and ethnic groups also disproportionately affected by COVID-19. In-person essential work is a likely venue of transmission of coronavirus infection and must be addressed through vaccination and strict enforcement of health orders in workplace settings.

BackgroundThough SARS-CoV-2 outbreaks have been documented in occupational settings and though there is speculation that essential workers face heightened risks for COVID-19, occupational differences in excess mortality have, to date, not been examined. Such information could point to opportunities for intervention, such as workplace modifications and prioritization of vaccine distribution.Methods and findingsUsing death records from the California Department of Public Health, we estimated excess mortality among Californians 18–65 years of age by occupational sector and occupation, with additional stratification of the sector analysis by race/ethnicity. During the COVID-19 pandemic, working age adults experienced a 22% increase in mortality compared to historical periods. Relative excess mortality was highest in food/agriculture workers (39% increase), transportation/logistics workers (28% increase), facilities (27%) and manufacturing workers (23% increase). Latino Californians experienced a 36% increase in mortality, with a 59% increase among Latino food/agriculture workers. Black Californians experienced a 28% increase in mortality, with a 36% increase for Black retail workers. Asian Californians experienced an 18% increase, with a 40% increase among Asian healthcare workers. Excess mortality among White working-age Californians increased by 6%, with a 16% increase among White food/agriculture workers.ConclusionsCertain occupational sectors have been associated with high excess mortality during the pandemic, particularly among racial and ethnic groups also disproportionately affected by COVID-19. In-person essential work is a likely venue of transmission of coronavirus infection and must be addressed through strict enforcement of health orders in workplace settings and protection of in-person workers. Vaccine distribution prioritizing in-person essential workers will be important for reducing excess COVID mortality.

A recent surge of interest in identifying the health effects of structural racism has coincided with the ongoing attention to neighborhood effects in both epidemiology and sociology. Mindful of these currents in the literature, it makes sense that we are seeing an emergent tendency in health disparities research to operationalize structural racism as either neighborhood disadvantage or racial residential segregation. This review essay synthesizes findings on the relevance of neighborhood disadvantage and residential segregation to the study of structural racism and health. It then draws on recent literature to propose four lessons for moving beyond traditional neighborhood effects approaches in the study of structural racism and health. These lessons are (1) to shift the focus of research from census tracts to theoretically meaningful units of analysis, (2) to leverage historic and geographic variation in race relations, (3) to combine data from multiple sources, and (4) to challenge normative framing that aims to explain away racial health disparities without discussing racism or racial hierarchy. The author concludes that research on the health effects of structural racism should go beyond traditional neighborhood effects approaches if it is to guide intervention to reduce racial and ethnic health disparities.

COVID-19 mortality increases markedly with age and is also substantially higher among Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) populations in the United States. These two facts can have conflicting implications because BIPOC populations are younger than white populations. In analyses of California and Minnesota-demographically divergent states-we show that COVID vaccination schedules based solely on age benefit the older white populations at the expense of younger BIPOC populations with higher risk of death from COVID-19. We find that strategies that prioritize high-risk geographic areas for vaccination at all ages better target mortality risk than age-based strategies alone, although they do not always perform as well as direct prioritization of high-risk racial/ethnic groups. Vaccination schemas directly implicate equitability of access, both domestically and globally.

Latino people in the US are experiencing higher excess deaths during the COVID-19 pandemic than any other racial/ethnic group, but it is unclear which sociodemographic subgroups within this diverse population are most affected. Such information is necessary to target policies that prevent further excess mortality and reduce inequities. Using death certificate data for January 1, 2016 through February 29, 2020 and time-series models, we estimated the expected weekly deaths among Latino people in California from March 1 through October 3, 2020. We quantified excess mortality as observed minus expected deaths and risk ratios (RR) as the ratio of observed to expected deaths. We considered subgroups categorized by age, sex, nativity, country of birth, educational attainment, occupation, and combinations of these factors. Our results indicate that during the first seven months of the pandemic, Latino deaths in California exceeded expected deaths by 10,316, a 31% increase. Excess death rates were greatest for individuals born in Mexico (RR 1.44; 95% PI, 1.41, 1.48) or a Central American country (RR 1.49; 95% PI, 1.37, 1.64), with less than a high school degree (RR 1.41; 95% PI, 1.35, 1.46), or in food-and-agriculture (RR 1.60; 95% PI, 1.48, 1.74) or manufacturing occupations (RR 1.59; 95% PI, 1.50, 1.69). Immigrant disadvantages in excess death were magnified among working-age Latinos in essential occupations. In sum, the COVID-19 pandemic has disproportionately impacted mortality among Latino immigrants, especially those in unprotected essential jobs. Interventions to reduce these inequities should include targeted vaccination, workplace safety enforcement, and expanded access to medical care and economic support.

Objectives. To project the range of excess deaths potentially associated with COVID-19–related unemployment in the United States and quantify inequities in these estimates by age, race/ethnicity, gender, and education. Methods. We used previously published meta-analyzed hazard ratios (HRs) for the unemployment–mortality association, unemployment data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics, and mortality data from the National Center for Health Statistics to estimate 1-year age-standardized deaths attributable to COVID-19–related unemployment for US workers aged 25 to 64 years. To accommodate uncertainty, we tested ranges of unemployment and HR scenarios. Results. Our best estimate is that there will be 30 231 excess deaths attributable to COVID-19–related unemployment between April 2020 and March 2021. Across scenarios, attributable deaths ranged from 8315 to 201 968. Attributable deaths were disproportionately high among Blacks, men, and those with low education. Conclusions. Deaths attributable to COVID-19–related unemployment will add to those directly associated with the virus and will disproportionately burden groups already experiencing incommensurate COVID-19 mortality. Public Health Implications. Supportive economic policies and interventions addressing long-standing harmful social structures are essential to mitigate the unequal health harms of COVID-19. (Am J Public Health. Published online ahead of print February 18, 2021: e1–e4. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2020.306095 )

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BackgroundLatino people in the US are experiencing higher excess deaths during the COVID-19 pandemic than any other racial/ethnic group, but it is unclear which subgroups within this diverse population are most affected. Such information is necessary to target policies that prevent further excess mortality and reduce inequities.MethodsUsing death certificate data for January 1, 2016 through February 29, 2020 and time-series models, we estimated the expected weekly deaths among Latino people in California from March 1 through October 3, 2020. We quantified excess mortality as observed minus expected deaths and risk ratios (RR) as the ratio of observed to expected deaths. We considered subgroups defined by age, sex, place of birth, education, occupation, and combinations of these factors.FindingsDuring the first seven months of the pandemic, Latino deaths in California exceeded expected deaths by 10,316, a 31% increase. Excess death rates were greatest for individuals born in Mexico (RR 1.44; 95% PI, 1.41, 1.48) or Central America (RR 1.49; 95% PI, 1.37, 1.64), with less than a high school degree (RR 1.41; 95% PI, 1.35, 1.46), or in food-and-agriculture (RR 1.60; 95% PI, 1.48, 1.74) or manufacturing occupations (RR 1.59; 95% PI, 1.50, 1.69). Immigrant disadvantages in excess death were magnified among working-age Latinos in essential occupations.InterpretationThe pandemic has disproportionately impacted mortality among Latino immigrants and Latinos in unprotected essential jobs; Interventions to reduce these disparities should include early vaccination, workplace safety enforcement, and expanded access to medical care.FundingNational Institute on Aging; UCSFRESEARCH IN CONTEXTEvidence before this studySeveral articles have suggested all-cause excess mortality estimates are superior to official COVID-19 counts for assessing the impact of the pandemic on marginalized populations that lack access to testing and healthcare. We searched PubMed, Google scholar, and the medRxiv preprint database through December 22, 2020 for studies of (“excess mortality” or “excess death”) AND (“COVID-19” or “coronavirus”) set in the United States and we identified two empirical studies with estimates of excess mortality among Latinos during the pandemic. The study set in California (from our research team) found per capita excess mortality was highest among Black and Latino people. The national study found percent excess mortality was significantly higher among Latino people than any other racial/ethnic group. Neither study further disaggregated the diverse Latino population or provided subgroup estimates to clarify why excess pandemic mortality is so high in this population. In the U.S., official COVID-19 statistics are rarely disaggregated by place of birth, education, or occupation which has resulted in a lack of evidence of how these factors have impacted mortality during the pandemic. No study to date of excess mortality in the U.S. has provided estimates for immigrant or occupational subgroups.Added value of this studyOur population-based observational study of all-cause mortality during the COVID-19 pandemic provides the first estimates of within-group heterogeneity among the Latino population in California – one of the populations hardest hit by COVID-19 in the U.S. We provide the first subgroup estimates by place of birth and occupational sector, in addition to combined estimates by foreign-birth and participation in an essential job and education. In doing so, we reveal that Latino immigrants in essential occupations have the highest risk of excess death during the pandemic among working-age Latinos. We highlight the heightened risk of excess mortality associated with food/agriculture and manufacturing occupational sectors, essential sectors in which workers may lack COVID-19 protections.Implications of all the available evidenceOur study revealed stark disparities in excess mortality during the COVID-19 pandemic among Latinos, pointing to the particularly high vulnerability of Latino immigrants and Latinos in essential jobs. These findings may offer insight into the disproportionate COVID-19 mortality experienced by immigrants or similarly marginalized groups in other contexts. Interventions to reduce these disparities should include policies enforcing occupational safety, especially for immigrant workers, early vaccination, and expanded access to medical care.