The role of linear order for presupposition projection is a key theoretical question, but the empirical status of (a-)symmetries in projection from various connectives remains controversial. We present experimental evidence that presupposition projection from disjunction is symmetric. 'Bathroom disjunctions', where either disjunct seems able to support a presupposition in the other if its negation entails it, have been argued to be evidence for symmetric projection; but there are alternative theoretical options. Adapting the paradigm of Mandelkern et al. (2020) for projection from conjunction, our experimental data supports the view that we are dealing with genuinely symmetric projection from disjunction. This contrasts with Mandelkern et al.'s findings for asymmetric projection from conjunction, and thus provides evidence for variation in projection (a-)symmetry across connectives, contra accounts proposing general accounts predicting uniform asymmetry effects due to left-to-right processing (e.g. Schlenker 2009).
This paper is concerned with the way the denotation of the bare singular and the process of Pseudo-Incorporation (PI) interact in Western Armenian (WA). We argue that bare singulars in WA unambiguously denote properties of kinds, thus differing significantly from languages like English and Turkish, where they are ambiguous between object-level and kind-level properties (Dayal 2004, Sağ 2019). Our argument comes from Pseudo-Incorporation. WA allows PI of [Num (CLF) Nsg] elements (covert plurals) which denote object-level properties. At the same time, PI-ed NPs (either bare singulars or covert plurals) accept only kind- level modification. This cannot be accounted by restricting PI to kind-denoting NPs (like in Turkish, Sağ 2019), as object-level properties (i.e. covert plurals) are also PI-ed. We derive the pattern by building an analysis of PI where the bare singular is unambiguously kind-denoting.
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