Two studies investigated the pervasiveness of race as a social categorization and whether the organization of information around racial categories is sensitive to contextual factors. Both studies measured accentuation eflects (more intra-than inter-race errors) and own-group bias (fewer confusions between own-than other-group members) in person memory, using the paradigm developed by Taylor, Fiske, Etcoff and Ruderman (1978 and Neuberg (1990) and Brewer (1988) argue that category-based processes have priority over attribute-based processes. Given our limited cognitive resources, it is both simpler (requiring less effort) and more efficient (requiring less time) for a perceiver to use categorical information to process information about individuals belonging to a group, than it is to analyse each person on an individual basis. According to Fiske and Neuberg (1990), the stage of 'initial categorization' occurs immediately as a perceiver encounters information (whether in the form of skin colour, clothing, speech style etc) sufficient to cue a meaningful social category. This initial stage indicates the pervasiveness of social categorization, with basic types of categories (e.g. race) thought to be accessed for virtually any target. The research reported below explores the ubiquity of social categorization and whether the organization of information around social categories is sensitive to contextual factors such as the relevance of a topic to a social category, and perceivers' processing goals.The paradigm we use to explore these issues has its origins in the pioneering studies of Henri Tajfel(1959), who proposed a theory of social judgment that provided a purely cognitive basis for the accentuation of intergroup differences. According to Tajfel, the categorization of objects (including social groups) is based on similarities within and differences between categories. Assimilation and contrast effects refer, respectively, to the accentuation of these basic processes, whereby perceivers minimize within-group differences and, especially, exaggerate between-group differences. Although the former effect was not significant in the original study (Tajfel and Wilkes, 1963), it has been found in later studies and the accentuation effect has been generalized from objects to social groups (Lilli, 1970;Marchand, 1970;Tajfel, Sheikh and Gardner, 1964). The magnitude of such accentuation effects can be seen as an index of the extent to which information is organized around social categories.Taylor, Fiske, Etcoff and Rudennan (1978, Experiment 1) extended this paradigm by having white subjects listen to a tape recording of a small-group discussion and simultaneously observe slides of each speaker (three black men and three white men) as he talked. After the 15-minute discussion, subjects were given a list of all the suggestions that had been made, and a set of pictures of all the participants. Subjects were asked to indicate which speaker had made each suggestion. The idea behind the study is simple: if race is used as...

This paper evaluates the impact of Police-Schools Liaison on young people's views and attitudes about the police and offending. It reports the first, large-scale, independent evaluation of this social intervention. The evaluation (based on 1245 secondary-school pupils) compares views of the police in schools with (target) and without (control) a full-time Schools Liaison Officer (SLO). Although attitudes to the police are marginally positive, they become less so over one year. There is no evidence that Schools Liaison input into the target schools slows or halts this decline, or that it affects perceptions of the seriousness of offences, and the likelihood of identification associated with crime. This weak impact is, at least in part, attributable to the low reported rates of direct contact, and the judged atypicality of the SLO. Target-school pupils judged their SLO positively, but as distinct from the 'police in general'. Their view of the SLO had a direct impact on their liking of the police in general, but there was no effect for contact. We conclude that Police-Schools Liaison has only limited positive effects, as predicted from critiques of the traditional 'contact hypothesis'.

The purpose of this study was to examine prejudiced attitudes as a factor associated with social distance from people with mental illness. A total of 289 university students from Greece completed written measures assessing social distance from, prejudiced attitudes about, and familiarity with mental illness. A structural equation model with manifest variables was tested. Participants who reported to be more familiar with mental illness held stronger social care and weaker prejudiced beliefs, and consequently expressed a less strong desire for social distance. Implications of the results and suggestions for future research are outlined.

The present study examined change in stereotypic perceptions of occupational groups, using a 2 (pattern of presented stereotype inconsistent information: concentrated in a few members vs. dispersed across all members) X 2 (perceived group variability: homogeneous vs. heterogeneous) X 2 (familiarity with the group: familiar vs. unfamiliar) design, following the procedure used by Hewstone, Johnston & Aird (1992). There was no support for the 'conversion' model. Stereotype change was generally greater in dispersed than in concentrated conditions, while subtyping was stronger in concentrated than in dispersed conditions. There was limited evidence that familiarity might moderate the effects of pattern of disconfirming instances. Results were interpreted in terms of a prototype version of the subtyping model.

Based on intergroup contact theory, a proposed comprehensive model of attitudes towards seeking professional psychological help was tested, including both potential barriers to mental health help-seeking (i.e., public stigma and self-stigma of seeking help, prejudicial and essentialist beliefs about mental illness, intergroup anxiety) and potential facilitators (i.e., direct and extended contact with persons with mental illness). Relevant measures were completed by 119 community-dwelling participants. Path analysis showed that direct (but not extended) contact with mental illness, by reducing intergroup anxiety, led to less negative beliefs about mental illness and weaker essentialist beliefs about mental illness (the latter being directly and positively associated with negative beliefs about mental illness). Moreover, less negative beliefs about mental illness, by reducing perceptions of self (but not public) stigma of seeking psychological help, were related to more positive attitudes towards help-seeking. Results are discussed in the context of the (unintentional) adverse effects of biogenetic (essentialist) explanations of mental disorders, and the clinical implications regarding interventions that aim at improving help-seeking attitudes.