Information about „Циганешти князове” was mentioned in a Moldavian medieval document dated 1414 A.D. Th e most appropriate interpretation of these words is the following: Циганешти is an anthroponym-patronym, which denotates several (at least two) people that descended from a man whose name is Цыган. Next, this name, Цыган comes from the ethnonym tsigan (an old ethnonym for Roma people). Following the typical Romanian medieval toponymical model (an early model) the patronymic Цыганешть later gave birth to the oikonym (name of a village) Цыганешть. According to L. L. Polevoi, the formation of the complete form of Romanian oikonyms with the suffi x –ешть needed about 102 +- 29 years. Th us, we have to date the origin of the village „Циганешти князове” earlier than 1400 A.D. Moreover, it is akso possible that this village appeared even in the times of the Golden Hoard (as some other early Moldavian villages (see researches of L.L. Polevoi and N. D. Russev). We can suppose that early groups of Roma (being merchants and craft smen) came to Balkans in the XIII – early XIV centuries A.D., and entered at the same time the Carpathian-Dniester lands that were owned by the Golden Hoard.
A group of Slavic loanwords with epenthetic /n/ in the Romanian language, to which a cinsti belongs, is considered. Interpreting the existing set of facts, the author supposes that the semantic convergence between the Slavic честь ‘honour’ and угощение ‘treat’appeared as far back as the Late Slavic period. The Romanian a cinsti, which is an early Slavic borrowing, also clearly testifies Slavic origin of this semantic convergence. Accordingly, the Ukrainian частувати and Polish częstowac appeared independently from each other, as well as from the Romanian a cinsti. Whereas the Romanian a cinsti (and cinste), as well as the whole group of Slavic loanwords in the Romanian language with the epenthetic sound /n/, are the result of early contacts of the Romanian language with some late Slavic dialect (or dialects), which was characterized by a tendency of widespread epenthetic nasal vowels. We can suppose that some traces of this for-Slavic dialect (dialects) could also be found in the Carpathian Ukrainian dialects as well. In particular, such traces, perhaps, should include both the Ukrainian dialectal чандрий, шандрий, чендрий and another Ukrainian dialectal form, recorded in the Bulaesti village, /мон|золетеи / ‘procrastinate; fiddling around in vain’ (in Russian: ‘мусолить; впустую теребить’).
Стаття надійшла 04.02.2016 року УДК 81'373.234 Алексей Романчук (Кишинев, Молдова) *СТЛАВЕНЕ КАК ИСХОДНАЯ ФОРМА ЭТНОНИМА 'СЛАВЯНЕ': КОНТУРЫ ГИПОТЕЗЫ В статье предлагается обоснование предложенной ранее автором новой этимологии этнонима славяне. Учитывая постулируемый В. В. Мартыновым «италийский ингредиент» в праславянском глоттогенезе, а также ряд других фактов, автор предлагает связывать этноним славяне с производными индоевропейского *stl̥ -'стелить, расстилать' -как уже предлагалось ранее для этнонима латины. Ключевые слова: славяне, балты, этимология, склавины, латины. Romanchuk A. A. *Stlavene as a primary form of ethnonym 'Slavs': a scketch of hypothesis.The article suggest an argumentation of new etymology of ethnonym 'Slavs'. Basing on the conclusion of V. V. Martynov about "Italic ingredient" of for-Slavic glottogenesys, as well as taking into account some other important facts, the author suppose that the ethnonym 'Slavs' could be considered as a derivate of i.-e. *stl̥ -'lay, spread' (as it was earlier suggested for ethnonym 'Latins'.
The adequate reconstruction of inter-ethnic relations requires the reconstruction of relative and absolute chronology of the process. Linguistic data presents a good opportunity for such reconstruction for the ethnographic group of Bulaestian Ukrainians. At the moment the following complexes of phonetic models in the Romanian borrowings of Bulaestian dialects were detected (for each complex the alternative phonetic models are given in the chronological order I have assumed): t’, d’ > т, д/т’, д’ (/ал|тeца/, /|дежма/, /|подeна/ : /ба|д'ей/, /ко|т'iga/, /|т'aск/; câ, gâ (cî, gî) > к’е, g’е (к’i, g’i)/кы, гы (/к’ерд/, /|к’ержа/, /к’iр|лeg/ : / gыл|к’е/, /|кырцате/, /сал|кын/); â(î) > е/ы (/б|лeнда/, /|серма/, /френ|g’iйа/ : /|быжбатe/, /|бызатe/, /быр/); i > е/i (/бар|деца/, /лен|дeк/, /ф|рeка/ : /к’iт|р’iвeй/, /л’iл’i|йaк/); vâ(vî) > вi/вы (/|В’iшкаўцi/ : /выр|т'еж/); ţi > цэ/цы/цi (/бо|цeтeи/, /куркуба|цeл’i/ : /горбо|цыка/, /цы|gайа/, /|цыркатe/) : /горбо|ц’iка/; z(dz) > ж/дз/з (Мер|жеште/ : /|дзардзар’i/, /дзeр/, /|дзeстра/ : /Бар›i|з›евe/, /за|wор/, /збур|датe/); c’ > ш’:/ч (/б’еш’:/, /|g’eрл'iш’:/, /|Ш':уда/ ‘Michael's Miracle, September 19’, /К’iп’iр|ш':ане/ : /гарпа|ч’iка/, /прe|ч’eна/, /|ч›:удо/ ‘annoyance’); ş > ш/ш’: (/борш/, /мала|еш/, /мо|шыйа/ : /|ботуш':/, /кодe|рeш’:/, /курку|душ':i/); o > wо/о (/wог|рада/, /wо|g’aл/, /wо|л’iй/, /wоце|к’iло/ : /оф|т’igа/); r > р’/р (/ва|кар'/, /|гач’iр’/, /ма|гар'/ : /бу|жор/, /ка|тыр/, /транда|ш’:iр/).
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