This article aims to verify the hypothesis on the influence and significance of the religious factor in the Russia–Ukraine conflict from the perspective of relations between the main Orthodox churches in Ukraine: the Orthodox Church of Ukraine (OCU) and the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate (UOC-MP). Considering the quantitative indicators, Ukraine is not a country particularly predestined to be a party to a religious conflict – be it an objective or an identity type. At the same time, social behaviour indicates an increase in religiously motivated social hostility, the further escalation of which is highly probable due to the Russian aggression on Ukraine. Believers from both Churches indicated non-religious and non-ethnic issues as the main causes of the conflict between the Orthodox churches. The purely political nature of the conflict between the churches was emphasised, refl ecting the political and military conflict between the Russian Federation and Ukraine. To sum up, based on the research results, in quantitative and qualitative terms, the religious factor was a current and significant, but not the leading, conflict factor in the Russia–Ukraine war in 2021 from the perspective of religious relations in Ukraine. The UOC-PM is predestined to the role of a declining church, playing a progressively less important role in religious relations in Ukraine for political, identity and demographic reasons. At the same time, the OCU is undoubtedly destined – also under the conditions of the ongoing war – to play a leading role in the process of consolidating Ukrainian national and state identity.
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przybliżenie budzącego coraz większe zaniepokojenie demografów i decydentów zjawiska niedoboru kobiet w populacjach wielu państw Azji, ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem przodujących w eskalacji tego zjawiska Chin i Indii. Tezą prezentowanego wywodu jest stwierdzenie, że omawiane zjawisko będzie mieć w przyszłości bardzo negatywne konsekwencje społeczne, ekonomiczne i polityczne dla obu państw, które mimo wieloletnich starań nie chcą, nie potrafią lub nie są już w stanie odwrócić negatywnych trendów demograficznych. W artykule omówiono kolejno: specyfikę i skalę zjawiska, jego usytuowanie przestrzenne, bezpośrednie – fizyczne i pośrednie – kulturowe, religijne i obyczajowe przyczyny negatywnego trendu, ale także podejmowane próby przeciwdziałania niekorzystnym tendencjom oraz ich obecne i potencjalne skutki.
Polish membership of the European Union became a fact in 2004. The fears and hopes of the main Christian churches in Poland as regards its consequences have already been at least partly verified. This verification has been partly positive, as the main Christian churches in Poland have obtained access to direct subsidies for arable land owners. However, there have also been disappointments, such as the disappointed hopes of the churches of minor denominations to obtain more balanced and actual equality of rights for different churches and religious denominations in Poland by virtue of Community law. Another disappointment concerned the expectation that due to their participation in integration processes Poles would abandon a certain religious and spiritual provincionalism, or their complete disregard of the opinions of representatives of churches and religious denominations in the process of the EU’s internal reforms. It can be observed that the intellectual and moral potential of such important institutions of social life as Christian churches in Poland has not been taken full advantage of in the European debate and discussion on integration. Unfortunately, it is also rather difficult to find any signs that this may happen in the future.
The aim of this article, is to present the position of European churches, which are represented in the Commission of Bishops’ Conferences of the European Community (COMECE), regarding the issue of social and economic model of the European Union in the time of crisis. Article focuses on the reflection of the Commission on social and economic model which was adopted in the EU. The main sources for the purpose of this article, were first and foremost the official documents of COMECE, dedicated to this subject, in the peak of the economic crisis in Europe (2008–2012). The main thesis of the following considerations is that, the economic dimension of European integration and socio-economic model of free market economy, which was adopted in the EU, in its current form, in times of crisis, has become the subject of strong criticism by the COMECE.
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