Sweden, where some 20 per cent of the population is either foreign born or second generation, has long been known internationally as the model of a tolerant, egalitarian, multicultural welfare state, which extended substantial citizenship, welfare and labour rights to all within its borders, including immigrants. However, under the twin pressures of neoliberalism and the EU’s commitment to ‘managed migration’, this Swedish exceptionalism has been, and continues to be, substantially eroded. The shortcomings of the earlier multicultural settlement of the 1960s and 1970s, a growing extremist populism, the growth of an unprotected, semi-clandestine sector of the labour market, combined with high levels of youth unemployment and urban segregation, have led to unprecedented rioting and violence in Swedish cities. The voices of minority ethnic youth, many of them Muslim, should be heeded as rejecting the exclusivism of current political trends.

This article examines the 2013 riots in Stockholm in the context of other urban rebellions across disadvantaged metropolitan neighbourhoods in the North-Atlantic region over the past three decades of neoliberal transformation. The authors discuss the consequences of securitisation and police repression, institutional racism, the corrosion of citizenship and the structuring of inequality in Swedish cities. Beyond the violence of the recent riots, contemporary Sweden reveals the emergence of an autonomous, non-violent and organisationally embedded movement for social justice among young people contesting urban degradation and reclaiming the nation in terms of an inclusive citizenship, social welfare and democracy. The article asks whether the Stockholm uprising could possibly be read as a sobering moment of self-examination in Swedish politics that could open space up for new political voices.

This article attempts to provide a critical understanding of the dual signification of "precarity". It explores what "precarity" as a concept may potentially offer to studies of the changing contemporary political economy of migration. It discusses shifting trends in global migration and point to tendencies for a possible convergence between "South" and "North", "East" and "West". Based on a review of current advances in research, it discusses, with reference to the classical work of Karl Polanyi, the potential for a contemporary "countermovement" which would challenge the precarity of migrants. Bringing forward the issue of the "space for civil society" the article addresses a still lingering democratic deficit in the global governance of migration. POLICY IMPLICATIONSThe article is relevant to policymakers, trade unions and civil society organizations. It contributes to the understanding of policy making processes in emerging multilevel global governance and focuses on issues of precarization, migration, and the implementation and accountability of human, migrant and labour rights.

Across a crisis-stricken Europe battles rage for post-neoliberal hegemony, with "race" and "austerity" as central signifiers. One of the places where the frontlines are most pregnant is Sweden; long perceived as a role model for its welfare state, cultural equity and social equality. Sweden is, however, facing social conflicts following in the tracks of a deep transformation in terms of welfare cuts, racialization and growing social polarization, targeting in particular a disadvantaged migrant and post-migrant population. On that background, the paper focuses on the upsurge of mutually antagonistic popular movements -"racist" and "anti-racist". We use Sweden as an exemplary case of Europe's present Polanyian moment, reminiscent of the 1930s. Yet, current upheavals expound, the authors claim, a different configuration of crisis and racism as well as a dissimilar utopia for the imagineering of nation and community.

Artikeln belyser samverkan mellan sammanslutningar bildade på etnisk grund och folkbildningens studieförbund i Sverige. Engagemang för social inkludering har fåĴ en ökad betydelse för "invandrarföreningar". Samtidigt är dessa föreningar inte sällan utsaĴ a för stigmatisering och försaĴ a i en underordnad position. Med utgångspunkt i fältarbete i det mångetniska Stockholm pekar förfaĴ arna på hur "invandrarföreningar" har blivit till institutionaliserade samverkansaktörer i nya former av partnerskap (mellan till exempel stat och kommun, frivilligorganisationer och näringsliv) där de har tagit över en rad servicefunktioner i och med välfärdsstatens pågående omvandling. Exemplet samverkan kring folkbildning visar på eĴ starkt ojämlikt partnerskap mellan "invandrarföreningar" och studieförbund. Några av de omständigheter som lyĞ s fram som problematiska är brist på dialog, kulturellt deę nierade hierarkier mellan "svenskar" och "invandrare" och en allt starkare anpassning i förhållande till marknadens krav och förväntningar.Sökord: Folkbildning, invandrarföreningar, partnerskap, inkludering, exkludering.Demokrati och social inkludering i relationer mellan bildningsförbund och föreningar bildade på etnisk grund