Conventional wisdom indicates that politicians in Latin America are all wealthy. However, the literature on both political elites and social origins of political parties indicates that we should expect differences in the capital accumulation of politicians depending on their ideological position. This study seeks to explore that question using financial disclosure forms made available in six Latin American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Peru, and the Dominican Republic. We calculate the median wealth of the main political parties in each country and compared them according to their ideological position on the left–right continuum. We consistently find that the most right-leaning party in each country had a higher median wealth than the most left-leaning one. This relation is non-linear since centrist parties often represent anomalies in the distribution of wealth. When there are no ideological differences, we do not observe significant wealth differences either.
La Constitución de 1991 estableció que Colombia se organizaba en forma de República unitaria, descentralizada y con autonomía de sus entidades territoriales. Esto estaba en línea con las olas de democratización y las recomendaciones de la literatura sobre federalismo fiscal. Diez años después de promulgada la constitución, en un momento de profunda crisis económica y fiscal, hubo una reforma sustancial al esquema de transferencias que debía hacer el gobierno central a los gobiernos subnacionales, que le permitió al primero recuperar buena parte de los recursos fiscales que habían sido destinados a los gobiernos territoriales. Se argumenta aquí que, de la misma forma que las constituciones en América Latina se mueven al vaivén de las coaliciones partidarias, la constitución colombiana se cambió al vaivén de la economía. Esto le permitió al gobierno central retomar los recursos que había cedido por las reformas constitucionales sin necesariamente resolver definitivamente el déficit fiscal.
O autor propõe uma mudança de rumo no debate sobre o federalismo brasileiro, sugerindo dar maior ênfase aos papéis que os governos estaduais podem ocupar na promoção de políticas públicas no Brasil, indo além dos problemas decorrentes do entrincheiramento fiscal. Não se trata de uma proposta de diminuição da importância da questão fiscal – cujos problemas de endividamento dos estados estão “presos” a uma dependência de trajetória (path dependence) –, mas sim de trazer à tona outros espaços que podem potencializar sua atuação na Federação. O caso do Sistema Nacional de Recursos Hídricos é utilizado para argumentar que os estados possuem importante função como articulador de atores locais e coordenador na gestão das bacias hidrográficas do seu território. Trata-se, portanto, de uma atuação capaz de fazer diferença para o federalismo brasileiro, que precisa ser evidenciado nas reflexões sobre o pacto federativo para além dos aspectos meramente fiscais.
This series seeks to go beyond a traditional focus on the virtues of intraregional and inter-regional trade agreements, liberal economic policies, and a narrow security agenda in Latin America. Instead, titles deal with a broad range of topics related to international cooperation, global and regional governance, sustainable development and environmental cooperation, internal displacement, and social inclusion in the context of the Post-2015 Development Agenda -as well as their repercussions for public policy across the region. Moreover, the series principally focuses on new international cooperation dynamics such as South-South and triangular cooperation, knowledge sharing as a current practice, and the role of the private sector in financing international cooperation and development in Latin America. The series also includes topics that fall outside the traditional scope of studying cooperation and development, in this case, (in)security and forced internal displacement, cultural cooperation, and Buen Vivir among indigenous peoples and farmers in Latin America. Finally, this series welcomes titles which explore the tensions and dialogue around how to manage the imbalance between state, markets, and society with a view to re-articulating cooperation and governance dynamics in the 21st century.
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