The rapid emergence of political party Vox on the stage of the European radical right and its consolidation as the third most voted political party in Spain has raised a debate about where to locate this political formation ideologically on the map of the European radical right. This article addresses this issue through a qualitative analysis of its party manifestos and discourse, and the revision of the winning formula theory formulated by Herbert Kitschelt. The research results demonstrate that Vox is a radical right party that fits the core features of the radical right family. Its political discourse and political proposal are based on a combination of nationalism articulated through the defence of the integrity of the Spanish Nation, an authoritarian view of the society attached to the values of law and order, a defence of the traditional values and economic agenda with neoliberal component. All these factors make Vox a particular member of this party family within the European context. Vox´s political proposal, with authoritarian position in the political and neoliberal economy, distances it from the majority of the current radical right, which has abandoned the radical anti-statism of the eighties to adopt the so-called Welfare Chauvinism. Vox´s political project moves it closer to the position occupied during the eighties and nineties by radical right formations and the position currently occupied by the Portuguese party Chega, with whom Vox shares a similar political trajectory.
Desde 1989 la economía de Polonia ha experimentado un exitoso proceso de transformación económica. En la literatura económica, el éxito de dicho proceso esta frecuentemente asociado a las políticas neoliberales aplicadas durante los primeros años de la década de los 90, la denominada Terapia de Choque. Sin embargo, a lo largo de esta investigación se va a considerar que el exitoso proceso de transformación de la economía de Polonia no es únicamente resultado de la aplicación efectiva de dichas políticas, sino que el posterior éxito cosechado no podría ser entendido sin las políticas orientadas hacia la acumulación y sin la adhesión de Polonia a la UE, que ha permitido alcanzar importantes niveles de desarrollo socioeconómico. Macroeconómicamente, el proceso de transformación es visto como un proceso exitoso, que ha ayudado a Polonia a prosperar económica y socialmente; pero desde la perspectiva social y a pesar de los avances obtenidos, el proceso de transformación no ha conducido una mejora sustancial de los estándares de vida que permitan equiparar a Polonia con los países más avanzados de la Unión Europea.
The reviewed book is an exciting and in-depth analysis of the New Brazilian Right, precisely the Bolsonaro phenomenon. We are talking about a well-written book that handles an essential dose of information and boldly deeps into a complex and very topical issue.It is a must-read book if you want to know the emergence and consolidation of the New Brazilian Right, particularly the phenomenon known as Bolsonarism, where the authors reflect their eloquent mastery of this literature. As Marcos Nobre establish in the Foreword, "the book is simply one of the complete successful attempts to explain Bolsonaro and what he represents today in Brazil" (p. xii).The book's theme is within the studies on the radical right, political activism and public and counterpublics on the public sphere. Starting from the concept of public sphere conceived by Jürgen Habermas (1989), through a historical analysis of the bourgeois public sphere's development in key Western European countries, which produced studies on publics and counterpublics, authors will approach the study of the discursive strategy, called right-wing counterpublicity, that Bolsonaro and his supporters employed to explain Bolsonaro's victory to restore traditional hierarchies, values, and ways of life. From this point of observation, the authors propose a new explanatory frame to explain the rise of the New Brazilian Right, Bolsonaro's 2018 victory and Bolsonaro's first administration, that seeks to escape and avoids alternatives of the "populist explanation" in the "crisis of democracy" framework or "reductio ad fascimum" in the "fascist regression" framework.The book by Rocha, Solano and Madeiros is divided into five chapters, preceded by an introduction. It begins by pointing out that few political analysts took Bolsonaro's 2018 presidential candidacy seriously since the vast majority of them tried to explain his victory by referring to the unique circumstances surrounding his election.The thesis defended by the authors establish that those factors contributed to the rise of Bolsonaro to power. Still, it more profoundly requires going back in time, since the election of Bolsonaro was not the fruit of historical accident but rather the unprecedented result of similar political and social processes.To understand Bolsonaro's phenomenon, the book makes an exhaustive journey reconstructing the activity of the Brazilian right, active since 1940, until Bolsonaro's rise to power. In this historical journey, we must highlight the detailed study that authors make, especially in chapters two and three, of the trajectory of the Brazil right-wing, where provide relevant keys to understand its bridges with the new right-wing that would appear years later.The second chapter, divided into three parts, reconstructs the trajectory of the right that has been active since the 1940s, which its origins dated back to the contact network fostered over time by national and international pro-market think tanks, which were intimately linked to the expansion and the promotion of neoliberalism bas...
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