Human cortex is comprised of specialized networks that support functions, such as visual motion perception and language processing. How do genes and experience contribute to this specialization? Studies of plasticity offer unique insights into this question. In congenitally blind individuals, "visual" cortex responds to auditory and tactile stimuli. Remarkably, recent evidence suggests that occipital areas participate in language processing. We asked whether in blindness, occipital cortices: (1) develop domain-specific responses to language and (2) respond to a highly specialized aspect of language-syntactic movement. Nineteen congenitally blind and 18 sighted participants took part in two fMRI experiments. We report that in congenitally blind individuals, but not in sighted controls, "visual" cortex is more active during sentence comprehension than during a sequence memory task with nonwords, or a symbolic math task. This suggests that areas of occipital cortex become selective for language, relative to other similar higher-cognitive tasks. Crucially, we find that these occipital areas respond more to sentences with syntactic movement but do not respond to the difficulty of math equations. We conclude that regions within the visual cortex of blind adults are involved in syntactic processing. Our findings suggest that the cognitive function of human cortical areas is largely determined by input during development.

Second language (L2) processing may differ from processing in a native language in a variety of ways, and it has been argued that one major difference is that L2 learners can only construct shallow representations that lack structural details (Clahsen & Felser, 2006). The present study challenges this hypothesis by comparing the extent to which advanced Spanish-English L2 learners and English native speakers make use of the relative clause island constraint in constructing filler-gap dependencies. In off-line acceptability judgment and on-line self-paced reading experiments that used stimuli adapted from Traxler and Pickering (1996), both the L2 group and the native speaker control group demonstrate clear evidence for application of the relative clause island constraint. Our findings suggest that advanced L2 learners not only build abstract structural representations, but also rapidly constrain the active search for a gap location.These results cast doubt on the proposal that L2 learners are unable to build structural representations with grammatical precision.

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Much work has demonstrated that speakers of verb-final languages are able to construct rich syntactic representations in advance of verb information. This may reflect general architectural properties of the language processor, or it may only reflect a language-specific adaptation to the demands of verb-finality. The present study addresses this issue by examining whether speakers of a verb-medial language (English) wait to consult verb transitivity information before constructing filler-gap dependencies, where internal arguments are fronted and hence precede the verb. This configuration makes it possible to investigate whether the parser actively makes representational commitments on the gap position before verb transitivity information becomes available. A key prediction of the view that rich pre-verbal structure building is a general architectural property is that speakers of verb-medial languages should predictively construct dependencies in advance of verb transitivity information, and therefore that disruption should be observed when the verb has intransitive subcategorization frames that are incompatible with the predicted structure. In three reading experiments (self-paced and eye-tracking) that manipulated verb transitivity, we found evidence for reading disruption when the verb was intransitive, although no such reading difficulty was observed when the critical verb was embedded inside a syntactic island structure, which blocks filler-gap dependency completion. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that in English, as in verb-final languages, information from preverbal noun phrases is sufficient to trigger active dependency completion without having access to verb transitivity information.

Abstract■ Language processing depends on a left-lateralized network of frontotemporal cortical regions. This network is remarkably consistent across individuals and cultures. However, there is also evidence that developmental factors, such as delayed exposure to language, can modify this network. Recently, it has been found that, in congenitally blind individuals, the typical frontotemporal language network expands to include parts of "visual" cortices. Here, we report that blindness is also associated with reduced left lateralization in frontotemporal language areas. We analyzed fMRI data from two samples of congenitally blind adults (n = 19 and n = 13) and one sample of congenitally blind children (n = 20). Laterality indices were computed for sentence comprehension relative to three different control conditions: solving math equations (Experiment 1), a memory task with nonwords (Experiment 2), and a "does this come next?" task with music (Experiment 3). Across experiments and participant samples, the frontotemporal language network was less left-lateralized in congenitally blind than in sighted individuals. Reduction in left lateralization was not related to Braille reading ability or amount of occipital plasticity. Notably, we observed a positive correlation between the lateralization of frontotemporal cortex and that of language-responsive occipital areas in blind individuals. Blind individuals with right-lateralized language responses in frontotemporal cortices also had right-lateralized occipital responses to language. Together, these results reveal a modified neurobiology of language in blindness. Our findings suggest that, despite its usual consistency across people, the neurobiology of language can be modified by nonlinguistic experiences. ■

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Agreement attraction, i.e., the production or acceptance of a verb that agrees with a noun other than the subject of the sentence, can be viewed as a process in which conflicting cues activate competing representations. The aftermath of such competition, in terms of cognitive processes, remains unclear. Using a novel referential communication task for eliciting agreement errors and both group-level manipulation of control demands and a detailed analysis of individual differences, we provide converging evidence for the role of monitoring and inhibitory control processes in agreement attraction for singular-subject sentences. We further demonstrate the dependence of producing plural verbs on such processes, suggesting the singular form is the prepotent default form. Collectively, these findings provide a clear demonstration for the role of monitoring and control processes in agreement computations, and more generally syntactic operations in sentence production.