SummaryAn epigenetic profile defining the DNA methylation age (DNAm age) of an individual has been suggested to be a biomarker of aging, and thus possibly providing a tool for assessment of health and mortality. In this study, we estimated the DNAm age of 378 Danish twins, age 30-82 years, and furthermore included a 10-year longitudinal study of the 86 oldest-old twins (mean age of 86.1 at follow-up), which subsequently were followed for mortality for 8 years. We found that the DNAm age is highly correlated with chronological age across all age groups (r = 0.97), but that the rate of change of DNAm age decreases with age. The results may in part be explained by selective mortality of those with a high DNAm age. This hypothesis was supported by a classical survival analysis showing a 35% (4-77%) increased mortality risk for each 5-year increase in the DNAm age vs. chronological age. Furthermore, the intrapair twin analysis revealed a more-than-double mortality risk for the DNAm oldest twin compared to the co-twin and a 'doseresponse pattern' with the odds of dying first increasing 3.2 (1.05-10.1) times per 5-year DNAm age difference within twin pairs, thus showing a stronger association of DNAm age with mortality in the oldest-old when controlling for familial factors. In conclusion, our results support that DNAm age qualifies as a biomarker of aging.
The human lifespan has traversed a long evolutionary and historical path, from short-lived primate ancestors to contemporary Japan, Sweden, and other longevity frontrunners. Analyzing this trajectory is crucial for understanding biological and sociocultural processes that determine the span of life. Here we reveal a fundamental regularity. Two straight lines describe the joint rise of life expectancy and lifespan equality: one for primates and the second one over the full range of human experience from average lifespans as low as 2 y during mortality crises to more than 87 y for Japanese women today. Across the primate order and across human populations, the lives of females tend to be longer and less variable than the lives of males, suggesting deep evolutionary roots to the male disadvantage. Our findings cast fresh light on primate evolution and human history, opening directions for research on inequality, sociality, and aging.biodemography | equality | lifespan | pace and shape | senescence L ongevous populations have two characteristics: The average length of life is long and relative variation in lifespans is low. For example, life tables for contemporary Sweden and Japan indicate that most deaths occur at ages between the late 70s and early 90s. Our primate relatives, in contrast, have lifespans that are highly variable in length but short on average and rarely longer than 30 y (Fig. 1). An association between the average length of life and its variability has been found for industrialized societies (1, 2). However, detailed knowledge is lacking about whether and how this association varies across species separated by millions of years of primate evolution or whether it has changed over the past several centuries of unprecedented social progress in human populations. Fuller comprehension of the relationship between rising lifespans and reduced lifespan variability across evolution and history holds potential insights that might illuminate past, current, and future longevity.We pose three related questions aimed at filling this knowledge gap: How long and variable are lifespans for humans compared with nonhuman primates, for humans today compared with the past, and for males compared with females? We provide answers to these questions by applying a powerful framework that simultaneously examines changes in both the average length of life in a population or species-the "pace" of life-and relative variation in the length of life, i.e., the "shape" of the distribution of ages at death (3-5). Studying variation in lifespan links to increasing interest in social, economic, and health inequalities and to key sociological findings that relate social factors-including high social status and social integration-to longer, healthier lifespans in human and animal societies (6-10).Estimating the average length of life (here measured by life expectancy, the mean age at death) and variation in lifespans relative to the average (measured here as "lifespan equality"; Box 1) requires data on the ages at death of individuals...
Health conditions change from year to year, with a general tendency in many countries for improvement. These conditions also change from one birth cohort to another: some generations suffer more adverse events in childhood, smoke more heavily, eat poorer diets, etc., than generations born earlier or later. Because it is difficult to disentangle period effects from cohort effects, demographers, epidemiologists, actuaries, and other population scientists often disagree about cohort effects' relative importance. In particular, some advocate forecasts of life expectancy based on period trends; others favor forecasts that hinge on cohort differences. We use a combination of age decomposition and exchange of survival probabilities between countries to study the remarkable recent history of female life expectancy in Denmark, a saga of rising, stagnating, and now again rising lifespans. The gap between female life expectancy in Denmark vs. Sweden grew to 3.5 y in the period 1975-2000. When we assumed that Danish women born 1915-1945 had the same survival probabilities as Swedish women, the gap remained small and roughly constant. Hence, the lower Danish life expectancy is caused by these cohorts and is not attributable to period effects. actors influencing human mortality and health may act at different ages, on specific generations, or at different points in time. A major challenge in analyzing particular mortality patterns is to disentangle the relative importance of the factors (1). A methodological problem arises from the interdeterminacy of linear effects attributable to period (points in time) or cohort (generations), which derives from the perfect correlation among cohort, period and age (age = period − cohort), making only deviations from the combined linearity of cohort and period comparable (1-4). As a result, debates have raged about whether period or cohort effects led to the rapid rise in life expectancy since 1900 in most western countries (1,(5)(6)(7)(8).During the latter half of the 20th century, emphasis was given to temporal effects because most population specialists thought that cohort mortality effects were small and need not be incorporated into models of mortality reductions (1, 9). Since the mid-1990s, however, the increased interest in life course effects on health and mortality has given new life to studies of cohort effects (1).A few birth cohorts have been identified with clear-cut cohort patterns: those of Britain in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (10, 11); those of Japan in the early twentieth century (12); and cohorts born in Britain in the 1930s, often referred to as the "golden generations" (1, 13). Here, we present another example of cohorts influencing mortality patterns, namely the case of the interwar generations of Danish women. We illustrate how to disentangle period and cohort effects using an approach based on age decomposition, exclusion of age-period effects, and replacement of survival probabilities. Interwar Generations of Danish WomenEven though life expe...
Despite advances in aging research, a multitude of aging models, and empirical evidence for diverse senescence patterns, understanding of the biological processes that shape senescence is lacking. We show that senescence of an isogenic Escherichia coli bacterial population results from two stochastic processes. The first process is a random deterioration process within the cell, such as generated by random accumulation of damage. This primary process leads to an exponential increase in mortality early in life followed by a late age mortality plateau. The second process relates to the stochastic asymmetric transmission at cell fission of an unknown factor that influences mortality. This secondary process explains the difference between the classical mortality plateaus detected for young mothers’ offspring and the near nonsenescence of old mothers’ offspring as well as the lack of a mother–offspring correlation in age at death. We observed that lifespan is predominantly determined by underlying stochastic stage dynamics. Surprisingly, our findings support models developed for metazoans that base their arguments on stage‐specific actions of alleles to understand the evolution of senescence. We call for exploration of similar stochastic influences that shape aging patterns beyond simple organisms.
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