How is corruption in sport evolving into a global public policy issue? In the past century, four trends have affected sport according to Paoli and Donati (2013) -de-amateurisation at the turn of the twentieth century, medicalisation since the 1960s, politicisation and commercialisation to the point where sport is now a business worth more than US$141 billion annually. Each of these trends had a corrupting effect on what is generally perceived as a past 'golden age' of sport. In the twenty-first century more public funding is being directed into sport in the developed and developing world. As a result this paper will argue organised sport has entered a fifth evolutionary trend -criminalisation. In this latest phase, public policy needs to grapple with what constitutes corruption in what has historically been a private market.
Triggered by the collapse of the US mortgage market, the global financial crisis (GFC) of 2007–08 hit most of the Western world hard and fast, presenting governments and citizens with a set of stark, undeniable and immediate realities. This article examines the attempts of three prime ministers “Gordon Brown in the UK, Brian Cowen in Ireland and Kevin Rudd in Australia to meet the key leadership challenge set up by the GFC: to publicly assess, explain and account for the GFC and the accompanying economic turbulence and uncertainty as financial markets went from boom to bust. By focussing on meaning making we examine how the leaders responded to the public expectation to explain: How bad is the situation? How did it occur? Who or what is to be held responsible? What needs to be done to cope with it? Using both qualitative and quantitative methods we compare the rhetorical impacts of these leaders.
Local government corruption is a phenomenon right across the world. This paper draws upon survey work in Victoria, Australia, to show that citizens believe that corruption exists in local government, that citizens experience corruption in local government, but that they rarely report it to an anti-corruption agency or elsewhere.Even when reported, tracing the outcome from state level authorities to the local government becomes and exercise in futility as the corrupt acts are dealt with in policy frameworks which makes it effectively disappear. As a result, corruption perceived or experienced in the everyday life of citizens is different to that defined by law and dealt with by public bodies -life and law seem to be two separate spheres.The paper suggests that survey data, particularly of experience of corruption, provide an important complement to official statistics on reported corruption. While the data here are Australian, the lessons and principles can be applied in many other countries.
Are policy responses related to experiences or perceptions of corruption? This article examines newspaper reporting of corruption in an Australian jurisdiction and compares these with perceptions of corruption and experiences of corruption in the community. The policy challenge is to understand the gaps between media reporting about corruption, the perceptions of corruption they help generate and peoples concrete experiences of corruption.Research cited in this article shows that corruption tends to be perceived at a higher level than the evidence would suggest in both high income and low income countries. Such perceptions have policy relevance as they can shape the structure of national integrity systems. This leads to our research question: how does the media portray corruption and asks whether policy responses are related to experiences or perceptions of corruption? The lessons here can be applied in other jurisdictions.
Purpose Corruption undermines good governance. Strategies for preventing malfeasance in low-corruption environments require a different approach to that applied in high-corruption environments. This paper aims to ask if criminological theories and practice contribute to the study and prevention of corruption in public organizations? Do crime prevention techniques help us in preventing corruption? Design/methodology/approach Empirical data demonstrate that the overwhelming majority of public officials in rich countries demonstrate high levels of integrity; yet, significant sums are invested in anti-corruption agencies and prevention strategies. This paper reports on recent work with an anti-corruption agency, which forced us to re-think how to deliver an anti-corruption agenda in a low-corruption environment. The authors build on their research of public sector corruption in rich countries to develop a set of 20 situational corruption prevention measures for public administrators. Findings The result, with lessons from crime prevention, is a prevention tool to support continued good governance in low-corruption environments. Figure 1 is a template that readers can apply in their own environments. Figure 2 is the authors’ attempt to populate this template based on the research reported here. Originality/value The matrix of situational corruption prevention techniques provides two original approaches. First, it recasts the language of crime prevention into a non-confrontational approach to avoid alienating honest public officials. Second, the matrix incorporates common public sector functions to guide the development of context specific corruption prevention techniques.
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