This paper examines the conditions that foster downward accountability among nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). To do so, I compare how NGOs responded in an unusual case where, from 1999-2003, the Zapatista Movement demanded more say over projects. I compare 77 NGOs, some that dropped out and others that accommodated the movement's demands. I argue that funders' reporting requirements inhibited NGOs from being responsive to beneficiaries. However, living alongside the movement pushed inner-circle NGOs to practice downward accountability to sustain their legitimacy. In turn, horizontal pressure among NGOs influenced organizations further afield, especially those that identified closely with the movement.

Recently, the US has dramatically expanded immigration enforcement. At the same time, some advocates have sought to support "good" immigrants. This paper considers how the resulting good/bad binaries affect undocumented immigrants. I examine a case study in Los Angeles, where policing intertwined with protection. Based on participant observation and interviews, I show that respondents believed state agents classified them either as "bad" criminals or "good", immigrants. To the extent immigrants identified as "good", they credited the US with offering them "freedom" and hoped for political inclusion. At the same time, in what I call moralizing regulation, they also performed "good" behaviour and distinguished themselves from those seen as "bad". Some also tied "good" behaviour to femininity and "acting white". At the extreme, they blamed other migrants for inviting state mistreatment. The effects were ambivalent: while immigrants appreciated US support, they also adopted and adapted to the state's moral norms.

A major limitation to adeno-associated virus (AAV) gene therapy is the generation of host immune responses to viral vector antigens and the transgene product. The ability to induce immune tolerance to foreign protein has the potential to overcome this host immunity. Acquisition and maintenance of tolerance to viral vector antigens and transgene products may also permit repeat administration thereby enhancing therapeutic efficacy. In utero gene transfer (IUGT) takes advantage of the immunologic immaturity of the fetus to induce immune tolerance to foreign antigens. In this large animal study, in utero administration of AAV6.2, AAV8 and AAV9 expressing green fluorescent protein (GFP) to ~60 day fetal sheep (term: ~150 days) was performed. Transgene expression and postnatal immune tolerance to GFP and viral antigens were assessed. We demonstrate 1) hepatic expression of GFP 1 month following in utero administration of AAV6.2.GFP and AAV8.GFP, 2) in utero recipients of either AAV6.2.GFP or AAV8.GFP fail to mount an anti-GFP antibody response following postnatal GFP challenge and lack inflammatory cellular infiltrates at the intramuscular site of immunization, 3) a serotype specific anti-AAV neutralizing antibody response is elicited following postnatal challenge of in utero recipients of AAV6.2 or AAV8 with the corresponding AAV serotype, and 4) durable hepatic GFP expression was observed up to 6 months after birth in recipients of AAV8.GFP but expression was lost between 1 and 6 months of age in recipients of AAV6.2.GFP. The current study demonstrates, in a preclinical large animal model, the potential of IUGT to achieve host immune tolerance to the viral vector transgene product but also suggests that a single exposure to the vector capsid proteins at the time of IUGT is inadequate to induce tolerance to viral vector antigens.

This article examines the evolution of transnational Zapatista solidarity networks. Although scholars have described an emerging "mutuality" between the Zapatista movement and its allies at the level of international framing, this article considers how

This paper begins from a paradox. In the 1980s and 1990s, women became increasingly mobile, especially in the developing world. Scholars generally attribute this shift to global economic pressure or to the spread of (Western) gender egalitarianism. Yet, in some places, women gained mobility just as local institutions extended policies excluding them or segregating them from men. Here, we look at two such cases: first, how women of Tehran, Iran, became the majority of bus riders just as the city segregated public transportation, and second, how women in the rural, Mexican village of San Pedro came to predominate among emigrants to the United States, even as they were excluded from participating in village politics. We use what we call “linked ethnographies” to put these two cases into dialogue. While attending to the particularities of each site, we find that in both, women gained mobility through the very policies that appeared to confine or exclude them. We call these policies “patriarchal accommodations.” They were patriarchal, because they enshrined formal gender difference associated with male dominance. They were accommodations, because they adapted existing standards of “appropriate” masculinity and femininity to global economic pressure, enabling women to work, study, and consume. We argue that patriarchal accommodations may facilitate women’s entry into the public sphere, particularly in non-Western regimes.