To deal with the tensions created by ethnic diversity and inequalities, many African countries have instituted affirmative action programmes ranging from informal ethnic balancing to explicit quotas. This study examines the reasons for affirmative action in Nigeria and the effectiveness of the Federal Character Commission (FCC) that was set up to oversee the programme. It argues that the affirmative action is an important aspect of governance in divided societies. Furthermore, while the FCC has not succeeded in achieving its formal objectives, it has nevertheless encouraged the non-violent resolution of ethnic grievances. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

This introduction provides an overview of the special issue. The papers in this issue contribute to our understanding of the contrasting histories of Ghana and Nigeria. The papers confirm the importance of horizontal inequalities as a source of political instability and violent conflict, and show that they are particularly likely to lead to conflict where political and socio-economic exclusion run in the same direction or are consistant. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Since 2004, white commercial farmers displaced under Zimbabwe's fast-track land reform programme have established new successful farms near the central Nigerian town of Shonga. This article explores the basis of that success. It addresses three key questions: (1) What has actually happened near Shonga since 2004? (2) What or who is driving the process of agrarian transformation? And (3) What are the long-term consequences for the peasantry since Nigerian agriculture is still largely peasant-based? It argues that contrary to popular myths of ‘enterprising’ white Zimbabwean farmers, the process is driven by a complex group of actors, including the national and regional states. Comparative evidence from similar transplantations of Zimbabwean farmers suggests that active state support is central to the success of Shonga. With respect to the relationship between the commercial farms and the peasantry, it is argued that all the synergies included in the project design to promote a symbiotic development have failed to materialize. As a result, the peasantry faces a process of ‘development by dispossession’.

In his introduction to Billy Dudley's posthumous book (1982:8), A.D. Yahaya stated that: The political future of the country as one indivisible nation is resolved with the end of the civil war ... It is therefore not conceivable for the present generation of Nigerians who were so much part of the struggle for the survival of the federation to resuscitate the unity of the country as a political issue. The major political issue today is, therefore, not the unity of the country. It would seem, however, that events in Nigeria since 1983, such as the No Nation! No Destiny!broadcast of the FRCN Kaduna; the acrimonious and chauvinistic campaigns associated with the 1983 elections; the incessant disputes over the question of Federal Character; and the debacle over Nigeria's affiliation to the Organisation of Islamic Countries, tend to suggest that the unity of the country cannot be taken for granted. The Civil War did not resolve the National Question in Nigeria. What is true is that the Nigerian state was able to overcome a specific challenge to its integrity. This does not, however, mean that no future challenges are probable, or that the state would always have the capacity to overcome such challenges. The emergence of Anya Anya II in the Sudan is a case in point. The unity of the country cannot, therefore, be necessarily guaranteed by the state as currently constituted. This paper is an attempt at examining some of the theoretical and political issues relating to the resolution of the National Question in contemporary Nigeria. The first section attempts a definition of the problematic, while the second looks at the specific manifestations of the National Question within the Nigerian political economy. The third section examines the solutions put forward for resolving the National Question within mainstream Nigerian politics; while the fourth considers the relationship between radical politics and the National Question. The final section attempts a summary of the entire discourse.

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