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We introduce a number of new methods based on sequence analysis to test hypotheses on the de-standardization of family-life trajectories in early adulthood, using Fertility and Family Survey data on 19 countries. Across cohorts, family-life trajectories of young adults have not become more turbulent. However, in most countries family-life trajectories of young adults have become less similar to one another and the variation in the types of family-trajectories has increased. Contrary to expectations, no clear differences in de-standardization were observed between countries characterized by a social-democratic welfare-state regime and countries characterized by either liberal or conservative welfare-state regimes.

Cohabitors and married people who cohabited before marriage have higher risks of union dissolution than people who married without prior cohabitation. However, these differences in union stability vary markedly between countries. We hypothesize that the impact of cohabitation on union stability depends on how far cohabitation has diffused within a society. We test this hypothesis with data from 16 European countries. The results support our hypothesis: former cohabitors run a higher risk of union dissolution than people who married without prior cohabitation only in societies in which cohabitation is a small minority or a large majority phenomenon.

Although the life‐course perspective emphasizes the importance of the concept of social norms for understanding demographic choices, the usefulness of this concept is heavily debated. In particular, it has been questioned whether social norms are still important in post‐modern societies, and whether societal expectations can really be called norms if no sanctions are attached to them. In this article, we review the theoretical and empirical literature, highlight the potential usefulness of the concept, and illustrate its importance by presenting empirical data on the existence of norms concerning demographic choices in The Netherlands, one of the most individualized countries in the world. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Recent years have witnessed a resurgence in the interest in family size intentions and ideals in developed societies, partially stemming from the idea that realized fertility in these societies is lower than intended fertility. This paper addresses the question of the stability of family size intentions. Based on Heckhausen's life-span theory of control, it is hypothesized that young adults' family size intentions are likely to change as a result of their experiences in the family and occupational life domains. To study this issue, data are used from a Dutch panel survey in which respondents are questioned on their family size intentions six times over the course of 18 years. The results show that family size intentions are not stable, but are adjusted as people age. On average, the adjustment is downward, but some people do not adjust their intentions or even adjust them upwards. Much of this difference in age patterns can be explained by changes in the partner, educational, and occupational careers of young adults. Not finding a suitable partner and pursuing a career-for women-are important factors. But also the timing of the fertility career itself is of major importance. If respondents postpone having children until their thirties, they are much more likely to adjust their intentions downwards than if they start their childbearing career earlier.

The impact of perceived costs and rewards of having a child on the actual timing of entry into parenthood is examined among women and men. To this end, data are used from a five-wave panel survey among Dutch young adults spanning 13 years. Expected costs and rewards are found to influence the timing of parenthood among both women and men. Anticipated costs to one's career and to one's level of individual autonomy and an anticipated increase in one's sense of security affect the timing of entry into motherhood. Anticipated costs to one's career and spending power, and anticipated rewards in terms of one's sense of security and quality of the partner relationship affect the timing of entry into fatherhood. Key words: fertility, value of children, panel data Liefbroer, A.C., 2005, Avoir un enfant: influence des couˆts et be´ne´fices attendus de la cre´ation d'une famille. Re´sultats d'une e´tude de panel. Revue Europe´enne de De´mographie, 21: 367-391.Re´sume´. Cet article s'inte´resse a`l'influence des couˆts et des be´ne´fices attendus de la naissance d'un enfant sur la de´cision de cre´er une famille chez les hommes et chez les femmes. Pour ce faire, on s'appuie sur les re´sultats d'une enqueˆte suivie a`5 passages mene´e aupre`s de jeunes adultes ne´erlandais sur une pe´riode de 13 ans. Les couˆts et be´ne´fices attendus influencent le calendrier de la cre´ation de la famille aussi bien chez les hommes que chez les femmes. L'influence ne´gative pre´vue sur la carrie`re et sur le niveau d'autonomie individuelle et l'augmentation attendue du sentiment de se´curite´pe`sent sur la de´cision de maternite´chez les femmes. Chez les hommes, la crainte d'un effet ne´gatif sur leur carrie`re et leur pouvoir d'achat et l'espoir d'un accroissement du sentiment de se´curite´et d'une ame´lioration de la qualite´de la relation de couple pe`sent sur la de´cision de paternite´.

This study examines how relationship transitions affect subjective well-being (SWB) and how this effect changes over time. We used prospective data containing information about 18 years of young adults' lives (PSIN, N = 5,514). SWB was measured with the Satisfaction with Life Scale. Within-person multilevel regression analyses showed that dating, unmarried cohabitation, and marriage had additional well-being enhancing effects. After entry into a union, well-being slowly decreased. A large SWB decrease was found after union dissolution, but through adaptation or repartnering well-being increased again. Well-being of never-married and nevercohabiting young adults decreased slowly over time. These effects were independent of parenthood and employment. Our results confirm expectations from the resources theory but contradict some assumptions of the set-point theory.

BACKGROUNDThis study examines whether social age deadlines exist for childbearing in women and men, how they vary across countries, whether they are lower than actual biological deadlines and whether they are associated with childbearing at later ages and the availability of assisted reproduction techniques (ARTs).METHODSThis study is based on the European Social Survey, Round 3 (2006–2007), which covers 25 countries. Data were gathered on social age deadlines for childbearing in women (21 909 cases) and men (21 239 cases) from samples of representative community-dwelling populations aged 15 and older.RESULTSSocial age deadlines for childbearing were perceived more frequently for women than men. These deadlines are often lower than actual biological limits, and for women and men alike: 57.2% of respondents perceived a maternal social age deadline ≤40 years of age; 46.2% of the respondents perceived a paternal social age deadline ≤45 years of age. There is also considerable variability in deadlines across countries, as well as within them. At the country level, the presence of social age deadlines for the childbearing of women was negatively associated with birth rates at advanced ages and the prevalence of ART, and later deadlines were positively associated with these factors.CONCLUSIONSIt is important to understand the factors that increase and limit late fertility. While biological factors condition fertility, so do social expectations. These findings provide widespread evidence across Europe that social limits exist alongside biological ones, though both sets of factors are more binding for women.